THE MIDDLE EAST

Recent history (19th-21st Century)
Post Reply
kmaherali
Posts: 25145
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: THE MIDDLE EAST

Post by kmaherali »

Rage. Grief. Anxiety. The New Mood in Iran.

In the aftermath of another wave of antigovernment unrest, Iran is gripped by a mood of collective grief and uncertainty about the future.

Image
A billboard showing the current supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, alongside the Islamic Republic’s founding leader, in Tehran, Iran, last month.Credit...Vahid Salemi/Associated Press

By Farnaz Fassihi and Leily Nikounazar
Feb. 16, 2026
Leer en español
Teachers talk about slain students and cry during recess. College students are boycotting final exams in honor of fallen classmates. Young men and women say they are struggling with survivor’s guilt.

Mariam, a 54-year-old designer, said she panics whenever her teenage son leaves the house because he had friends and classmates who were shot and killed in the protests.

“The truth is that we are feeling extremely not well,” she said. “I have never experienced this kind of collective grief and instability. We don’t know what will happen in the next hour.” Like many people interviewed for this article, Mariam asked to be identified by only her first name for fear of retribution.

Protests demanding the ouster of Iran’s authoritarian clerical rulers have ended. But many Iranians say that feelings of rage against the government and anxiety about the future permeate all aspects of life, and that nothing feels normal anymore.

The government’s continuing crackdown and arrests of dissidents, including prominent political figures in the reformist faction, contribute to the sense that the standoff is not yet over.

While Iran’s leaders struggle to suppress the dissent at home, they are facing pressure beyond their borders. President Trump has been building up U.S. warships in the waters near Iran, ready to potentially strike if ongoing talks between Washington and Tehran do not lead to a deal to limit Iran’s nuclear and military capabilities.

Teachers say they and their students alike are traumatized. Nafiseh, a 35-year-old high school teacher in the capital, Tehran, said that during recess, she and other teachers discuss the uprising and cry.

“The students are extremely distracted and frightened,” she said, adding, “At the slightest sound of an ambulance siren or an airplane, they tremble with fear.”

Iran’s government has blamed the killings on terrorist cells linked to the United States and Israel. It claims that armed operators infiltrated the protests, necessitating the government’s militarized response, and that the terrorists killed many of the protesters.

But more than a hundred videos and images, verified by The New York Times, show the breadth of the government’s violence, including videos of security forces in uniform and on motorcycles firing directly at unarmed protesters.

The government said that about 3,400 people were killed, among them 200 children and minors and 100 college students, and at least 500 security officers.

Image
A dark, smoky scene showing several vehicles on fire with bright orange flames. Silhouettes of people watch from the foreground.
Image
An image taken from a social media post and released last month showing burning vehicles during protests in Tehran.Credit...via Reuters

Rights groups like U.S.-based HRANA say at least 7,000 protesters were killed and the numbers are expected to rise as more deaths are verified.

The large number of deaths — most over the span of three nights in early January — amounted to the deadliest unrest in Iran’s modern history, according to rights groups and a historian — has left many Iranians shocked.

Some therapists say they are offering free online workshops to help people cope.

Psychologists said their patients are displaying chronic anxiety, and deep anger and mistrust.

“In recent weeks, the emotional atmosphere in Iran has changed dramatically,” Dr. Bita Bavadi, a psychologist in Tehran, said in an email. “In my clinical work, I observe an intense mixture of anger, fear, helplessness, and unprocessed collective grief.”

The threat of war with the United States, which has deployed naval war ships near Iran’s territorial waters, is adding another layer of uncertainty.

President Trump has said that if Iran does not agree to a deal that would suspend its nuclear program and limit the range of its missiles, he would consider strikes on the country. He has also said that regime change in Iran would be beneficial.

Iranians, both supporters and opponents of the government, openly ponder a war waged by the United States and whether the regime and its supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, would survive.

“The priorities of the people are different from the priorities of their rulers,” Mohamad Renany, a cleric who has spoken out against the government’s crackdowns on protesters, said on social media.

“When the people’s priority is bread, and the regime’s priority is political ideologies and extreme interpretations of its own beliefs, a serious confrontation arises between the people and the regime,” he added.

Some Iranians say that they are so angry and hopeless about change from within that they favor U.S. military intervention to free them from this regime.

Others say they oppose war because it could lead to even more instability, displacement and violence.

Image
An armed person in a camouflage uniform, helmet, and mask stands. Two other people are partly visible in the foreground.
Image
Military personnel at a rally to commemorate the anniversary of the Islamic revolution in Tehran earlier this month.Credit...Vahid Salemi/Associated Press

Kamran, a 49-year-old businessman, said the violence he had witnessed during the protests had altered his views on war.

“After the massacre many of us feel we are prey in the hands of a predator, not people living under a government’s rule,” he said. “So our eyes are to the sky, hoping bombs will kill them and Iran will be free.”

Elaheh, a 52-year-old from Tehran, said in an interview that although she opposed the clerical rulers, she was against foreign military interference and did not believe democracy would come with bombs.

“We have enough problems,” she said. “We cannot endure a war that may destroy our infrastructure, divide our country and kill even more people.”

Iran’s economy, already in a dire state because of international sanctions and corruption, has taken more blows since the uprising began in late December. The currency has been in free fall and the government’s shutdown of the internet has impaired commerce.

Reza Alefnasb, the head of the union for e-commerce workers, told Iranian media that those who make their living online had experienced an 80 percent drop in income. He also said that the combination of continued disruptions to the internet and uncertainty about the war was making Iranians spend less on nonessentials.

Sattar Hashemi, the telecommunications minister, told Iranian media last week that the losses from digital business amounted to $3 million a day and the country’s economy as a whole was losing $35 million per day since the uprising.

Many small business owners who specialize in handicrafts, baking, fashion and music took to social media last week pleading with people to make purchases so they could stay afloat. Some of them said that they had suspended working out of respect of the protesters killed, but added that this is also not sustainable.

Reza Badri works as an accountant at a furniture store. He said in an interview that sales had come to a near halt for the past month and the owners were laying off workers and downsizing production. In a post on social media, he asked whether anyone could put him in touch with exporters outside of Iran.

“The killing of so many of my countrymen, many of them my own age, and the sky-high prices are wearing us out mentally, emotionally and physically,” Mr. Badri said in the interview.

Sephideh, 35, an English teacher in Tehran, said in an interview that her virtual classes have been completely canceled because of internet disruptions and she has not had an income in more than a month.

“I cry almost every day and feel like I’m in the most vulnerable state possible,” she said. “At the same time, I also feel anger.”

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/16/worl ... e9677ea768
kmaherali
Posts: 25145
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: THE MIDDLE EAST

Post by kmaherali »

Saudi Arabia scales AI in national education

Image
A humanoid dressed as a Saudi doctor engages participants at the International Conference on Data and AI Capacity Building held last month at King Saud University in Riyadh. (AN Photo / Huda Bashatah)

Kingdom accelerates plan to lead the region in digital skills
RIYADH: As Saudi Arabia accelerates toward the goals of Vision 2030, the Kingdom is positioning technology, particularly artificial intelligence, as a cornerstone of its education reform strategy.

By embedding AI across the national curriculum, policymakers aim to equip more than 6 million general education students with future-ready skills by 2025.

To achieve this, government bodies and private sector leaders have aligned efforts to integrate AI education into classrooms across the country.

DID YOU KNOW?
• Saudi Arabia plans to equip over 6 million students with AI skills nationwide.

• IBM has trained 500,000 in AI — targeting 1 million Saudis by 2030.

• AI tools are being used not only to teach students but to help teachers design lessons.

A collaborative initiative launched in 2025 brings together the National Centre for Curriculum, the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology, and the Saudi Data and Artificial Intelligence Authority. The initiative is designed not only to teach students how to use AI tools, but to enable them to learn through AI-driven platforms. Teachers, too, are central to the transformation.

At the International Conference on Data and AI Capacity Building organized by SDAIA, participating entities outlined their progress and future ambitions, underscoring Saudi Arabia’s drive to become a global hub for AI-enabled education.

Offering a public sector perspective, Bedour Alrayes, deputy CEO of the Human Capability Development Program under Vision 2030, highlighted the importance of embedding AI into learning pathways early and systematically. “It’s not about how they learn AI, it’s about how they practice it,” Alrayes told Arab News.

Image

She described a structured model that begins in elementary school. “When we talk about K-12, we start by enabling digital curriculum from the fourth grade, also AI curriculum in schools. We enable teachers to know how to use AI tools, and we have gamification tools where they use AI, including after-school activities and customized learning journeys,” she said.

Alrayes stressed the importance of maintaining a balance between technological advancement and human engagement, describing the approach as a “human-centric partnership” between people and AI. The strategy spans the full education continuum — from K-12 to university — and extends into lifelong learning and professional development, ensuring Saudi citizens remain competitive in a rapidly evolving global economy.

SDAIA has further strengthened this ecosystem with the introduction of the Saudi Academic Framework for AI Qualifications, a national benchmark guiding the development, evaluation and accreditation of AI programs in higher education. The framework has drawn interest from international technology firms eager to contribute to the Kingdom’s transformation.


Justina Nixon-Saintil, IBM’s vice president & chief impact officer, Speaks at ICAN on AI Education in the Kingdom. (Supplied)
Image
Justina Nixon-Saintil, IBM’s vice president and chief impact officer, pointed to growing demand for AI capabilities in the local market.

“We launched our AI skilling programs just a few years ago, and as of last year we had already skilled 500,000 people,” she told Arab News.

“What I love is that there’s such demand here. People are eager to learn, eager to grow and eager to take advantage of AI skills. It’s also because it’s being led by the government, corporations and universities; everyone is aligned with Vision 2030 and they want to make sure their citizens are ready to take advantage of those opportunities.”

IBM collaborates with leading institutions including King Saud University and Princess Nourah University, delivering AI education and certification programs to faculty and students alike.

//Opinion
//Mai Anati
//Automation is testing journalism, not ending it
//Author
//READ ARTICLE https://www.arabnews.com/node/2633721

Nixon-Saintil underscored the necessity of close coordination between industry and academia.

“We do not implement any programs without input from the private sector. When we look at the training pathways and hands-on projects, we partner with the private sector to understand what skills they’re looking for and how jobs are evolving, because they are changing very quickly,” she said.

Reflecting the scale of ambition, she revealed IBM’s goal of equipping 1 million Saudis with AI skills by 2030.

Private sector innovators are also contributing to classroom transformation. Alex West, founder and CEO of Manifest XR, described how the company’s AI-powered tools are helping educators create dynamic learning content.

“The AI tools that we provide can produce content for teachers based on simple text prompts. They can upload documentation and create videos, assessments, quizzes and an entire course for students to then learn from. We provide structured training programs around how you can safely introduce AI technology, and we provide certificates for teachers,” he said.

Image
More than 30,000 people attended the International Conference on Data and AI Capacity Building held last month at King Saud University in Riyadh. (SPA)

West emphasized the urgency of narrowing the gap between workforce demands and the pace of educational adaptation.

“I think educators, if they want to stay ahead and remain competitive, should be introducing this technology so that their students can be prepared for industry work placements and the 2030 vision. In the next few years, things are going to look even more different. The Kingdom wants this technology everywhere and wants to improve the quality of learning. We allow this to scale not only for high-end international schools, but this can be used in any schools across the country, even in resource-deprived areas.”

Anees Ahmad, regional manager at Spectrum Networks, echoed that commitment to nationwide transformation.

“As part of Vision 2030 of the Kingdom, we are here to cater to all government, semi-government and enterprise customers in fulfilling the requirements of the transformation,” he told Arab News.

Image
kmaherali
Posts: 25145
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: THE MIDDLE EAST

Post by kmaherali »

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Hard-Line Cleric Who Made Iran a Regional Power, Dies at 86

As Iran’s second supreme leader, he brutally crushed dissent at home and expanded Iran’s footprint abroad, challenging Saudi Arabia for regional dominance.

Image
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who ruled for more than three decades, shaped Iran’s Islamic revolution far more than the Islamic Republic’s founder, Ayatollah Khomeini.Credit...Arash Khamooshi for The New York Times

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who in more than three decades as Iran’s supreme leader turned the Islamic Republic into a regional power, brutally crushing dissent at home, and maintaining unswerving hostility to the United States and Israel, died on Saturday during U.S. and Israeli military strikes on his country. He was 86.

President Trump announced the death, writing on his Truth Social social-media platform: “Khamenei, one of the most evil people in History, is dead.” Iranian state media later confirmed he had been killed.

Ayatollah Khamenei’s death came amid an extensive attack on Iran by the United States and Israel earlier in the day. Mr. Trump had been building U.S. military forces in the Middle East for weeks and threatening to hit Iran if it did not agree to his demands, which included ending its nuclear program and accepting restrictions on its ballistic missiles. After the attack began, Mr. Trump encouraged Iranians to take over their government.

As the second leader of the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Khamenei cemented and expanded its hard-line Islamist and anti-Western policies, shaping the nation’s Islamic revolution far more than its founder, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, who held power for just a decade, most of it during a devastating war with Iraq.

At home, Ayatollah Khamenei ruled with an iron fist, blocking attempts at moderate reforms, labeling public demands for change as Western-orchestrated “sedition” and squelching dissent with arrests and executions. He vastly expanded a loyal military force, the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, whose intelligence wing served as a powerful tool of repression.

ImageA dark street with a crosswalk at night. A crowd faces a line of people in dark uniforms.
Image
Police confronting protesters in Tehran, in 2020. By the end of Ayatollah Khamenei’s life, many Iranians viewed him as the dictator of a corrupt and repressive regime whose policies had killed thousands of Iranians and forced countless others into exile.Credit...Associated Press

Abroad, he trained and armed allied militias in Gaza, Iraq, Lebanon and Yemen, expanding Iran’s influence to menace Israel and challenge Saudi Arabia for regional dominance.

His worldview was shaped by animosity toward the United States, which he called “the great Satan,” and Israel, which he described as “a cancerous tumor that must be removed,” though for the most part he avoided open military confrontation with either.

Such was his rancor toward the United States and its allies that Tehran supplied Russia with suicide drones to attack cities in Ukraine after Moscow invaded in 2022. After the Palestinian militant group Hamas led a devastating attack on Israel in October 2023, he offered full-throated support to anti-Israel militants in the resulting wars in Gaza and Lebanon.

Image
Men in military uniforms in brown jeeps.
Image
Fighters for Hezbollah, the Lebanese militant group seen as Iran’s most powerful proxy, at the Lebanon-Syria border, in 2017.Credit...Sergey Ponomarev for The New York Times

But Iran’s nuclear program, coupled with the ayatollah’s fiery rhetoric toward the West, led to rafts of crippling international economic sanctions and made Iran an international pariah. It also drew a covert, Israeli-led campaign of sabotage and targeted killings aimed at preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons. This campaign culminated in Israeli strikes across Iran in June 2025 that killed key military leaders and scientists and damaged nuclear sites, and the joint U.S.-Israel assault eight months later.

Ayatollah Khamenei vehemently insisted on what he said was Iran’s sovereign right to pursue its own interests in nuclear fuel enrichment, missile development and regional diplomacy.

“Should the Iranian nation beg for the right of exploitation of nuclear energy from the bullying world powers until they accept that the nation has a nuclear right?” he asked in 2007. “No,” he answered. “This is not the way of a free and independent nation.”

Image
A yellow missile mounted on a truck approaches a large poster of Ayatollah Khamenei.
Image
An Iranian Shahab-3 missile in a military parade passes a poster of Ayatollah Khamenei, in 2005. He insisted on Iran’s right to enrich nuclear fuel and develop missiles.Credit...Vahid Salemi/Associated Press

He presided over a state that jailed critics and journalists and enforced draconian restrictions on women. By the end of Ayatollah Khamenei’s life, many Iranians viewed him as the dictator of a corrupt and repressive regime whose policies had killed thousands of Iranians and forced countless others into exile.

During the past decade, as bouts of anti-government protests increased in frequency, Ayatollah Khamenei resorted to ever more brutal tactics. In January 2026, he ordered the security forces to open fire on protesters who had initially taken to the streets peacefully over economic issues.

The government said more than 3,100 people were killed, while human rights organizations estimated the toll at more than 6,000 dead. Ayatollah Khamenei blamed foreign “enemies” for provoking the bloodshed.

Mr. Trump threatened to bomb Iran to halt the killing of protesters and dispatched a naval “armada,” which ostensibly prompted Iran to hold off on executing detainees accused of demonstrating. The ayatollah warned that he would start a regional war if the United States attacked, leading to a flurry of international diplomacy and direct talks between senior U.S. and Iranian officials.

But on Saturday, the U.S. and Israel attacked dozens of sites across the country in an assault Mr. Trump said would eliminate Iran’s nuclear program and change its government.

Frustration with the ayatollah’s rule had also exploded in 2022, when protests erupted over the death in custody of Mahsa Amini, a 22-year-old woman who had been accused of violating a law requiring women to wear head scarves. In a remarkable display of courage, women marched across the country, chanting “Women, life, freedom” and yanking off their scarves in public.

Image
A woman stands atop a car with her hands in the air on a highway crowded with vehicles and people.
Image
Protests in western Iran in 2022 over the death of a 22-year-old woman who had been arrested on accusations of violating the country’s hijab rule. The authorities cracked down, killing hundreds of protesters and arresting thousands, sentencing dozens to death. Credit...Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

The protests widened into a nationwide uprising demanding an end to clerical rule and the ouster of Ayatollah Khamenei.

The authorities cracked down, killing hundreds of protesters and arresting thousands, sentencing dozens to death. The protests continued for months but ultimately petered out.

Ayatollah Khamenei’s supporters credited him with shrewdly navigating Iran’s complex political landscape and for resolutely deterring international threats and pressures.

Despite his deep mistrust of the West, he agreed to a landmark nuclear deal in 2015 that restricted Iran’s right to enrich uranium in exchange for the lifting of international sanctions. His mistrust was validated three years later, however, when Mr. Trump withdrew from the agreement, restoring the sanctions and piling on new ones.

Image
A woman is seen in light among a large crowd, her hair covered, at the Grand Bazaar.
Image
Inside the Grand Bazaar in Tehran last year. Iran’s economy suffered under American sanctions.Credit...Arash Khamooshi for The New York Times

In 2025, Mr. Trump sought to reach a new nuclear accord with Iran, and Ayatollah Khamenei allowed Iranian negotiators to engage while insisting that Iran would not give up its right to enrich uranium.

Those talks were interrupted by the Israeli strikes that June that damaged nuclear facilities and killed officials linked to the nuclear program.

At his death, Ayatollah Khamenei was the longest-serving head of state in the Middle East and one of Iran’s longest-serving modern rulers, with a tenure that antagonized six American presidents, from George H.W. Bush to Mr. Trump.

“He is one of the most consequential and important leaders of Iran in the modern period,” said Vali Nasr, a professor at the School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University. “It’s really under him that the Islamic Republic took form. Khomeini led a revolution. Khamenei led a state.”

Becoming Supreme

In some ways, Ayatollah Khamenei (pronounced HAH-meh-NAY-ee) was an accidental leader, assuming the presidency in 1981 only after the incumbent was assassinated. Nor was his ascension to supreme leader a given. He was a devoted revolutionary and protégé of Ayatollah Khomeini, but he lacked the religious credentials required by Iran’s Constitution for the top job.

But after Ayatollah Khomeini’s death in 1989, he emerged as a consensus candidate. To address the legal requirements, he was designated an ayatollah overnight, and the Constitution was changed to remove the mandate that the supreme leader attain the highest rank in the Shiite hierarchy.

Ayatollah Khamenei inherited a country that was regionally isolated, with a depleted military and a war-torn economy. Though he lacked his predecessor’s charisma and mystique, he moved quickly to expand his power and rebuild Iranian influence.

Image
A black-and-white photo of three men, seated, all wearing black headwear and black robes.
Image
Mr. Khamenei, center, was installed as Iran’s president by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, right, in 1981, after the incumbent president was assassinated.Credit...Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

In terms of raw muscle, ‌his position was underpinned by the Revolutionary Guards, a parallel military force whose military, political and economic power he expanded and that in return offered him its enduring loyalty.

His authority was further buttressed by an extensive network of appointees, informers, commissars and multiple layers of security forces, including morality police and a plainclothes militia known as the Basij.

His black turban denoted a claim of direct descent from the Prophet M‌uhammad. And his appointment by a council of clerics as the earthly representative of the Imam Mahdi, a messianic figure, vested him with divine authority. The mere charge of being “against” his divine rule risked the death penalty.

Image
A black-and-white closeup of Ayatollah Khamenei, eyes closed, palm facing upward.
Image
A 1986 photo of Ayatollah Khamenei, whose black turban denotes a claim of direct descent from the Prophet M‌uhammad, portrayed himself as a religious scholar.Credit...Mohamad ESLAMI RAD/Gamma-Rapho via Getty Images

With his spectacles, Palestinian kaffiyeh, long robes and silver beard, Ayatollah Khamenei cast himself as a religious scholar as well as a writer and translator of works on Islam. He affected an avuncular and magnanimous aloofness, running the country from a perch above the jousting of daily politics.

That facade of supposed neutrality showed cracks after the hard-line conservative president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad won a second term in a 2009 election widely seen as rigged. The ayatollah endorsed the flawed victory and the brutal crackdown on hundreds of thousands of protesters that followed, damaging his standing among many Iranians, particularly the educated, urban middle class.

The 2009 uprising, known as the Green Revolution, was neither the first nor last to challenge clerical authority. Mass protests broke out again in 2017, 2019 and 2022. Each time, the government responded with violent crackdowns and, each time, the ayatollah praised the security forces for crushing the unrest.

Image
Ayatollah Khamenei, seated, with Mahmoud Ahmadinejad standing behind him, speaking before a microphone.
Image
Ayatollah Khamenei endorsed the victory of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad — standing behind him in a 2011 photo — in a 2009 presidential election widely seen as rigged.Credit...KHAMENEI.IR via Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

He also began to insert himself more directly into the affairs of the government in televised speeches, dictating the approach if not the details of major policies.

By the 2021 election, he no longer bothered to maintain the appearance of a fair contest, allowing Iran’s top clerical body, the Guardian Council, to disqualify any candidates who posed a real challenge to his conservative protégé, Ebrahim Raisi, who won handily.

In July 2024, his regime appeared to be taken by surprise by the upset presidential victory of Masoud Pezeshkian, a reformist who said he sought to make Iran more prosperous, socially open and engaged with the West. Experts questioned how much leeway the new president would be given, but Ayatollah Khamenei offered his endorsement.

At the same time, he cannily exploited political instabilities in the Middle East to extend Iran’s reach, constructing a so-called axis of resistance from the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean that sought to threaten Israel and rival the Sunni Muslim powers of the Arab world.

“For many Shiites outside of Iran, he came to symbolize the power of the largest Shiite country, and the Islamic Republic in their minds in large part was summarized in Khamenei,” said Mr. Nasr, the Johns Hopkins professor.

The American-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 provided an opening for Ayatollah Khamenei to exert influence abroad. The war toppled a Sunni dictator, Saddam Hussein, who ruled a Shiite-majority country. Iran developed and armed Shiite militias and backed Shiite political parties, giving Iran significant clout in Iraqi politics.

Foreign military ventures not only gave Iran a clear passage across the region — to ship missile parts to its ally Hezbollah in Lebanon, for instance — but also left it with a sectarian fighting force at its disposal.

In 2014, after a large swath of Iraq was captured by the Islamic State, a Sunni jihadist group, Iran-backed militias helped defeat the terrorist group, paradoxically placing Tehran and Washington on the same side against a common adversary.

Image
Masked men with guns stand in front of jeeps in a desert landscape.
Image
Islamic State fighters advancing through the desert in Iraq near Tikrit, in 2014. Iran-backed militias helped defeat the terrorist group, paradoxically placing Tehran and Washington on the same side against a common adversary.Credit...via Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

When the Arab Spring uprisings erupted in 2011, the ayatollah sent militia forces into Syria to support President Bashar al-Assad against Western-backed rebels and Sunni jihadists. But they ultimately failed, and the rebels who toppled Mr. al-Assad in late 2024 vowed to keep Iran out of their country.

These regional allies posed risks for Iran. When Hamas led its surprise assault on Israel in October 2023, killing 1,200 people and dragging 250 back to Gaza as hostages, he praised it as “a decisive blow to the Zionist regime.”

Israel engaged Hamas in a war that devastated Gaza, drew in Hezbollah in Lebanon and prompted Israeli assassinations of senior figures from both groups, including one inside of Iran.

Twice in 2024, in April and October, Iran fired barrages of drones and missiles toward Israel, but most were shot down and did little damage. Later that year, an Israeli bombing campaign severely degraded Hezbollah’s military abilities and killed dozens of its leaders, ending its run as a regional extension of Iranian power.

Opposing the West

The Islamic Republic’s relations with the United States have been contentious since Iranian revolutionaries took American diplomats hostage at the U.S. Embassy in 1979, an event Ayatollah Khamenei later praised as “a great and valuable service performed for our revolution.”

He said he considered the United States a “vindictive and malevolent” enemy.

The United States and other critics labeled Tehran a sponsor of terrorism and a threat to the regional order, with a record of torture, the jailing of adversaries and persecution of minorities.

Image
Ayatollah Khamenei touches the shoulder of a soldier in uniform at a military review.
Image
Ayatollah Khamenei awarding a military rank to a member of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, in 2006. He expanded the force, which in turn offered him enduring loyalty.Credit...Mohammad Berno/Document Iran, via Atlas Press

Iran’s nuclear enrichment program, which American and Israeli intelligence agencies said was intended to create nuclear weapons, became the most urgent matter of dispute.

Iranian leaders insisted that the program — conducted in secret until its existence was disclosed in 2002 — was for peaceful purposes. Moreover, they said, they had no interest in nuclear arms, which were banned by the ayatollah in a 2003 religious edict.

Western and Israeli analysts, however, said Iran was moving toward nuclear weapons capability, narrowing the so-called breakout time it would take to create a bomb.

Seeking a diplomatic solution in 2009, President Barack Obama wrote two letters to the Iranian leader, eventually leading to the astonishing scene of Iranian and American diplomats at the same negotiating table.

Ayatollah Khamenei voiced reluctant support for the deal reached in 2015, while emphasizing that it did not change Iran’s hostility toward the United States and Israel.

In 2018, Mr. Trump unilaterally withdrew from the agreement, reimposed American sanctions against Iran and added new ones in a so-called “maximum pressure” campaign.

In return, Iran resumed nuclear enrichment. Within a few years, Iran had crossed the threshold of being a nuclear-capable state with enough enriched uranium to make at least one nuclear warhead if it chose to do so.

Tensions between the two countries peaked in January 2020 with the American killing of the commander of the Revolutionary Guards, Maj. Gen. Qassim Suleimani, in a drone strike in Baghdad, pushing the two countries to the brink of war.

Image
Crowds of people in a funeral procession.
Image
The funeral procession for Maj. Gen. Qassim Suleimani in Tehran, in January 2020. His killing in an American drone strike pushed the United States and Iran closer than ever to the brink of war.Credit...Arash Khamooshi for The New York Times

Five days later, Ayatollah Khamenei ordered a ballistic missile attack on American troops in Iraq. No Americans were killed, but more than 100 soldiers suffered traumatic brain injuries.

Both countries then stood down, averting a wider conflict, but the tension caused a new disaster.

Image
Soldiers stand around a field with a damaged building.
Image
U.S. military personnel surveying damage at Al Asad Air Base in Anbar, Iraq, after it was struck by Iranian missiles, in early 2020.Credit...Sergey Ponomarev for The New York Times

With Iran on high alert for a possible American counterattack, a Revolutionary Guards officer shot down what turned out to be a Ukrainian Airlines passenger jet near Tehran’s international airport. All 176 passengers, including some of Iran’s best and brightest, were killed.

Image
People in a field with the remains of people in body bags.
Image
Emergency medical workers collecting bodies after a Ukrainian jetliner with 176 people on board was shot down over Tehran, in 2020. The Iranian government’s denials of having been responsible caused permanent damage to its reputation.Credit...Arash Khamooshi for The New York Times

The ayatollah immediately knew what had happened. But for three days, the government denied that the plane had been shot down, dismissing the accusation as a Western plot to discredit the country, until mounting evidence made the lie untenable.

Personal honor is a sacred virtue in Iranian culture. To many Iranians, the ayatollah’s had sustained permanent damage.

Modest Upbringing

Sayyid Ali Husseini Khamenei was in born in modest circumstances as the second of eight children on April 19, 1939, in Mashhad, in northeastern Iran, the country’s second-largest city.

His father, Sayyid Jawad Khamenei, was a midranking cleric who was regarded as ascetic and devout. His mother, Khadijeh Mirdamadi, also came from a clerical family. In his official autobiography, Ayatollah Khamenei described her as a “very wise, educated and well-versed woman who enjoyed poetic and artistic talents.”

From the age of 4, he was educated at Islamic seminaries. At 13, he said, he felt the first stirrings of revolutionary zeal when he heard a speech by the Islamic militant Navab Safavi. After a year of study in Najaf, Iraq, he returned to Iran and the holy city of Qum, where at 19 he fell under the influence of Ayatollah Khomeini.

He was also influenced by the writings of Sayyid Qutb, an Egyptian fundamentalist ideologue and proponent of Islamic statehood, some of whose work Mr. Khamenei translated to Persian from Arabic.

In 1963, a time of great ferment over the shah’s efforts to modernize Iran, the young Mr. Khamenei served as a secret courier between Ayatollah Khomeini in Qum and clerics in Mashhad. Later that year, he was arrested for the first of six times by the shah’s secret police and spent a night in jail.

A year later, he married Khojasteh Bagherzadeh. Although little is known about her, the couple had six children: four sons, Massoud, Mojtaba, Mostafa and Meysam, and two daughters, Bushra and Hoda. A complete list of survivors was not immediately available.

Ayatollah Khamenei has made much of his six arrests, in effect a tally of revolutionary credentials, culminating in the mid-1970s when he was held in solitary confinement before being banished, first to Iranshahr and then to Jiroft, both in southeastern Iran.

For many of these years, Ayatollah Khomeini was exiled from Iran — until his triumphant homecoming after the shah fled in early 1979 amid an uprising against the monarch’s long, repressive rule.

Image
A black-and-white photo shows Ayatollah Khomeini waving to a crowd from the window of his headquarters in Tehran. Many people in the crowd below raise their hands toward him.
Image
Ayatollah Khomeini returned to Iran in February 1979 and declared it an Islamic republic.Credit...Thierry Campion/Associated Press

He declared Iran an Islamic Republic and appointed Mr. Khamenei to lead Friday prayers in Tehran, a major rallying point for the revolution. Mr. Khamenei also served briefly as deputy minister of defense and supervisor of the Revolutionary Guards.

In November 1979, after the United States admitted the exiled shah for cancer treatment, revolutionary students overran the American Embassy, setting off a 444-day hostage crisis.

In June 1981, Mr. Khamenei was badly wounded when a bomb concealed in a tape recorder by opponents of clerical rule exploded at a news conference, crippling his right arm.

Khomeini’s Choice

With Ayatollah Khomeini’s backing, Mr. Khamenei became president in October 1981, serving two terms, until Aug. 3, 1989.

In the jostling to succeed Ayatollah Khomeini after his death in 1989, Mr. Khamenei’s clerical credentials failed to meet the constitutional requirements. But according to accounts from the era, the Parliament speaker, Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, and Ayatollah Khomeini’s son, Ahmad, maintained that Ayatollah Khomeini’s dying wish had been for Mr. Khamenei to succeed him.

That blessing won the day, and Mr. Khamenei was elevated to ayatollah and supreme leader. As leader, he adopted a humble posture, calling himself “an individual with many faults and shortcomings, and truly a minor seminarian.”

He appeared to live modestly in a home-office complex where he met with heads of state in a sparsely furnished room with a beige carpet, a sofa and a few wooden chairs. The few photos from his private residence show cushions lined against the wall on the floor.

Image
Ayatollah Khamenei seated, speaks into microphones in a large shrine filled with people. He raises his left hand, holding a piece of paper.
Image
Ayatollah Khamenei, shown in 2022, opposed making any concessions, considering it a sign of weakness. Credit...Wana News Agency/Via Reuters

Many details of his private life and finances remain opaque. In 2013, Reuters reported that he controlled a state-owned business conglomerate worth around $95 billion built on “the systematic seizure of thousands of properties belonging to ordinary Iranians.” While the business gave him huge economic power, Reuters found no evidence that the ayatollah used it to enrich himself.

Ayatollah Khamenei had no qualms about taking stances that were anathema elsewhere.

He dismissed the Holocaust as “the myth of the massacre of Jews.” In 2005, he upheld the religious injunction issued by his predecessor urging Muslims to take the life of the novelist Salman Rushdie over allegations that his book “The Satanic Verses” was blasphemous. In August 2022, a 24-year-old New Jersey man attacked Mr. Rushdie with a knife, stabbing him 10 times.

Iranian state media called it “divine retribution.”

Ayatollah Khamenei’s obstinacy sometimes hurt Iranians, as during the Covid-19 pandemic. On top of chaotic planning, a lack of transparency and a refusal to impose quarantines, the ayatollah banned American- and British-made coronavirus vaccines, insisting that Iran would produce its own.

That decision probably contributed to a toll of well over 100,000 deaths.

Image
A man in a black turban in front of green curtains with flags nearby.
Image
Ayatollah Khamenei, arriving to cast a ballot in Tehran during the presidential election, in 2021. “He was constantly at war with real and imaginary enemies,” said the historian Abbas Milani. “His policies led to Iran’s isolation internationally and to sclerotic despotism at home.”Credit...Arash Khamooshi for The New York Times

“He was arrogant, literate, obdurate, revengeful, unable to accept mistakes, unwilling to make concessions and given to conspiracy theories,” said Abbas Milani, a historian and director of Iranian studies at Stanford University. “He was constantly at war with real and imaginary enemies. His policies led to Iran’s isolation internationally and to sclerotic despotism at home.”

After more than 35 years in power, Ayatollah Khamenei had shaped the Islamic Republic in his own image.

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/28/worl ... roid-share
kmaherali
Posts: 25145
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: THE MIDDLE EAST

Post by kmaherali »

How to Think About Trump’s War With Iran
March 2, 2026

Image

By Thomas L. Friedman

Opinion Columnist

To think clearly about Middle East wars, you need to hold multiple thoughts in your head at the same time. It’s a complicated, kaleidoscopic region where religion, oil, tribal politics and great power politics interweave in every major story. If you are looking for a black-and-white narrative, you might want to take up checkers. So, here are my four thoughts on Iran — at least for today.

First, I hope this effort to topple the clerical regime in Tehran succeeds. It is a regime that murders its people, destabilizes its neighbors and has destroyed a great civilization. There is no single event that would do more to put the whole Middle East on a more decent, inclusive trajectory than the replacement of Tehran’s Islamic regime with a leadership focused exclusively on enabling the people of Iran to realize their full potential with a real voice in their own future.

Second, this will not be easy, because this regime is deeply entrenched and is hardly going to be toppled from the air alone. Israel has not been able to eliminate Hamas in Gaza after over two years of a merciless air and ground war — and Hamas is right next door. That said, even if this U.S.-Israeli attack on Iran does not lead to the uprising by the Iranian people that President Trump has urged, it could have other, unanticipated, beneficial effects, like producing an Islamic Republic 2.0 that is much less threatening to its people and neighbors. But it just as easily could result in unanticipated dangers, like the disintegration of Iran as a single geographic entity.

Third, we must remember that the timing of the end of this war will be determined as much by the oil markets and the financial markets as by the military state of play inside Iran. Iran is on the edge of economic collapse, with a currency worth little more than wallpaper. Europe has become much more dependent on liquefied natural gas from the Persian Gulf to run its economies, since phasing out purchases of natural gas from Russia. A sustained burst of inflation caused by higher energy prices would anger Trump’s base, many of whom already don’t like being dragged into another Middle East war. There are a lot of people who will want this war to be short, and that will impact how and when Trump and Tehran negotiate.

Fourth, we must not let this war to bring democracy and the rule of law to Iran distract us from the threats to democracy and the rule of law posed by Trump in America and by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel. Trump wants to promote those ideals in Tehran, even as his ICE agents operated for two months with limited regard for legal restraints in my home state of Minnesota and as he floats ideas about restricting who can vote in our next election. If the war in Iran enables Netanyahu to win the Israeli elections planned for this year, it will be a major propellant to his efforts to annex the West Bank, cripple the Israeli Supreme Court and make Israel an apartheid state, which would be a major blow to American interests in the region beyond Iran.

Life as an opinion columnist would be easy if every war you had to take a stand on was the American Civil War and every leader was Abraham Lincoln. But they are not, so let’s dig a little deeper into these four thoughts on Iran.

While you’d never know it if you listened to the campus left in recent years, the Islamic Republic of Iran has been the biggest imperialist power in the region since 1979, cultivating proxies to control four Arab states — Syria, Lebanon, Iraq and Yemen — and undermining liberal reformers in all four by promoting sectarian divisions.

Just the weakening of the Tehran regime, thanks to Israeli and American hammer blows over the past two years, has led to the downfall of the Iranian-bolstered Assad regime in Syria and enabled Lebanon to escape the vice grip of the Iranian-backed Hezbollah militia, which in turn has given space for Lebanon’s most decent government in decades — one led by Prime Minister Nawaf Salam and President Joseph Aoun. That is why the death of Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, is being quietly or loudly celebrated across the region.

Also, the Iranian people are among the most naturally pro-Western in the region. If that impulse is allowed to surface and spread, and replace the divisive, radical Islamist poison propagated by the Iranian regime, we have the possibility for a much more inclusive Middle East.

As the Lebanese-Emirati strategist Nadim Koteich put it to me: It is not for nothing that one of the most popular chants of anti-regime protesters in Iran has been: “No Gaza, No Lebanon. My life for Iran.” Many Iranians have been sickened to watch their resources squandered on militias fighting Israel. It is also no accident, Koteich noted, that Iran has just launched rockets against airports, hotels and ports of the modernizing Arab Gulf states.

“They are attacking the infrastructure of openness and integration and the Abraham Accords — it was the old Middle East attacking the new Middle East," Koteich added. Khamenei’s death, hopefully, “is the death of Khamenei’s idea that the Middle East should be defined by resistance and not inclusion and integration.”

Hopefully it will also end the double game practiced by Khamenei and his predecessors like Mahmoud Ahmadinejad — who served as Iran’s president from 2005 until 2013 and was also killed in an Israeli-U.S. airstrike — that Iran has the right to openly shout “Death to America” and “Death to Israel” and then claim that it also has the right to be treated like Denmark, or to enrich uranium for “peaceful” purposes.

Trump and Netanyahu finally called out that game.

As for the Iranian people now coming together and toppling the regime, it is hard to see that happening anytime soon without a clear leader and common agenda.

The Iranian analysts I speak to say the more likely outcome is a kind of Islamic Republic 2.0, where leading regime reformers — like Hassan Rouhani, who served as the seventh president of Iran from 2013 to 2021, and has been an increasingly outspoken critic of Khamenei’s hard line, or the former foreign minister and nuclear negotiator Javad Zarif — press the surviving leadership to negotiate a deal with Trump. That deal could be one that gives up Iran’s nuclear program and accepts limits on its proxy wars and ballistic missiles — in other words, whatever Trump wants — in return for an end to economic sanctions and regime survival.

Such an Islamic Republic 2.0 regime might then be able to oversee a transition to a real Iranian democracy again. But Trump could also face accusations of throwing a life preserver to a dying regime that recently killed at least 6,800 protesters, according to the U.S.-based Human Rights Activists News Agency, and likely many more. In other words, starting this war was relatively easy. Ending it will not be.

Such a deal might be tempting to Trump, though, to avoid a prolonged war, a recession triggered by soaring oil prices or the disintegration of Iran. Which is why I was not surprised to hear Trump tell The Atlantic: “They want to talk, and I have agreed to talk, so I will be talking to them.”

As this column has noted before, in the Middle East the opposite of autocracy is not necessarily democracy. Often it is “disorder.” Because when Middle East dictatorships are decapitated, one of two things happens. They either implode, like Libya did, or they explode, like Syria did.

Persians are only around 60 percent of Iran’s population. The other 40 percent is a mosaic of minorities, mainly Azeris, Kurds, Lurs, Arabs and Baloch. Each has links with lands outside of Iran, especially Azeris with Azerbaijan and Kurds with Kurdistan. Prolonged chaos in Tehran could lead any of them to split off and for Iran to, in effect, explode.

Iran has witnessed the collapse of governments or the fall of rulers throughout its history. Every time, “Iran stayed intact,” said Koteich. “For the first time I am not sure it will stay intact.”

If you want to see $150-a-barrel oil, that kind of Iranian disintegration would take you there. Iran’s oil exports of 1.6 million barrels a day, which go mostly to China, would be taken completely off the global oil market. Some 20 percent of all global oil trade moves through the Strait of Hormuz, which Iran can shut down. Insurance rates for oil shippers are already skyrocketing, and some 150 tankers in the Gulf are reportedly frozen in place.

Meanwhile, over in Beijing, President Xi Jinping has to be wondering how his weapons systems would stack up against the U.S.-supplied ones to Taiwan, having seen U.S.-made fighter planes and smart missiles easily evade or destroy Iran’s Russian-supplied antiaircraft systems and assassinate much of Iran’s national security elite in their homes and offices. Maybe this is not the week to invade Taiwan — or even next week.

It might be a good week, though, for Beijing to look at all the Iranian people spontaneously dancing in the streets to celebrate the death of Khamenei and ask itself if the People’s Republic of China should have been propping up his regime with oil purchases all these years. Maybe it should have been on the side of the Iranian people.

It is way too early to predict how this war will impact two critical 2026 elections — one in Israel and one in the United States.

For Trump it is simple. He does not want to see the word “quagmire” in any headline with his name in it ahead of the midterms in November. As for Netanyahu, I could imagine him calling for early elections to use the downfall of the Iranian regime to keep himself in power. But victory over Iran could also complicate his politics. Netanyahu has notched short-term military defeats over Hamas, Islamic Jihad, Hezbollah and Iran, but he has not translated a single one of them into long-term diplomatic or political gains. To do so would require him to agree to negotiate again with the Palestinians based on a framework of two states for two peoples.

The opportunity for Israel could be enormous: If the Islamic Republic of Iran is either toppled or defanged, I have little doubt that Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, Syria, Oman, Qatar, Kuwait and maybe even Iraq would feel much more comfortable normalizing relations with Israel — on the condition that Netanyahu does not annex Gaza or the West Bank, but agrees instead to a plan for separation and a two-state solution. Would Netanyahu rise to that opportunity? Would Israeli voters punish him if he doesn’t?

But I get ahead of myself. I expect by Wednesday there will be at least three more points competing in my head to make sense of it all, because this is the most plastic, unpredictable moment in the Middle East since the Iranian Revolution in 1979. Everything — and its opposite — is possible.

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/02/opin ... e9677ea768
kmaherali
Posts: 25145
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: THE MIDDLE EAST

Post by kmaherali »

Iran’s New Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei’s Son, Is a Mysterious Figure

The succession of the slain leader’s son is seen as a signal of the Islamic republic’s defiance of Israel and the United States, and of continuity during crisis.

By Farnaz Fassihi
Farnaz Fassihi has lived and worked in Iran, has covered the country for three decades and was a war correspondent in the Middle East for 15 years.

March 8, 2026
阅读简体中文版閱讀繁體中文版

Iran named Mojtaba Khamenei, a son of the recently killed supreme leader, as his father’s successor, according to a statement from top clerics published on state media early Monday local time, signaling the continuity of hard-line theocratic rule as Israeli and U.S. airstrikes pound the country.

Mr. Khamenei himself, though, is something of a mystery even within Iran.

He is a son of the recently killed supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and has been an influential figure in the shadows of power, coordinating military and intelligence operations at his father’s office. He is known to have very close ties to the powerful Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps and was considered their favored candidate.

Unlike his father, Mr. Khamenei, 56, carries the full religious credentials as an ayatollah at the moment of his ascension. He was known for teaching popular Shiite seminary classes.

But his personality or politics outside of his father’s tight inner circle are not known. He seldom speaks or appears in public. And now he will take the helm not just as Iran’s new religious and political authority, but also as the commander in chief of its armed forces.

Vali R. Nasr, an expert on Iran and Shiite Islam at Johns Hopkins University, said that Mr. Khamenei would be a surprising choice, but a telling one.

“The choice of Mojtaba is choice of continuity with his father, and also he is more ready than other candidates to quickly consolidate power and assert control over the system,” said Mr. Nasr. He added that Mr. Khamenei had been considered a successor for a long time; but for the past two years, he had seemed to have dropped off the radar.

The late Ayatollah Khamenei had indicated to close advisers that he did not want his son to succeed him because he did not want the role to become hereditary, according to three senior Iranian officials familiar with Mr. Khamenei and the selection process. They spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive internal issues.

After all, the Islamic revolution in 1979 had toppled a monarchy with the promise to end the hereditary transfer of power and return it to the people.

But Mr. Khamenei’s ascension suggests that those in Iran’s circles of power — the senior clerics, the Guards and influential politicians, such as the head of the National Security Council, Ali Larijani — had closed ranks at a time of acute crisis and war.

Mr. Larijani, a pragmatic veteran politician who has taken center stage in running the country, and Mr. Khamenei are old allies and friends. Both men are also influential within Iran’s armed forces.

The Revolutionary Guards were founded as an ideological force charged with defending the Islamic republic and its borders, and to provide a buffer layer of security in case of defections and coups in the army. The Guards have since turned into a political, military and economic powerhouse. They are directing the waves of ballistic missiles and drones against Israel, Arab countries in the Persian Gulf, and U.S. bases and embassies in the region, as massive U.S. and Israeli airstrikes continue.

Mr. Khamenei was selected by a group known as the Assembly of Experts, made up of 88 senior Shiite clerics. Even as the assembly was debating its choice on Tuesday, Israel struck a building in Qum, one of Shiite Islam’s main seats of power, where the assembly would traditionally meet to vote on a new leader. But the building was empty, according to the Fars News agency, which is affiliated with the Revolutionary Guards, and the clerics were meeting virtually for security.

During the deliberations, the majority of the senior clerics in the assembly pushed for Mr. Khamenei’s appointment, arguing that he had the qualifications needed to steer Iran in this moment, according to the three Iranian officials. Some clerics said that after the Ayatollah had been killed by America and Israel, choosing his son would honor his legacy.

“Mojtaba is the wisest pick right now because he is intimately familiar with running and coordinating security and military apparatuses,” Mehdi Rahmati, an analyst in Tehran, said in an interview. “He was in charge of this already.”

ImagePeople gathered on a street, some in black clothes. A man holds a portrait of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
Image
Iranians mourning the death of the supreme leader, on Sunday in Tehran.Credit...Arash Khamooshi for The New York Times

But Mr. Rahmati acknowledged that the appointment carries the risk of further polarizing a population that is deeply divided, with many Iranians deeply opposed to the Islamic republic’s rule.

“A portion of the public will react negatively and forcefully to this decision, and it will have a backlash,” he said.

The late Ayatollah Khamenei had the final say on all main state matters. He showed little flexibility on domestic reforms, and offered few concessions in nuclear negotiations with the United States. He ordered the lethal crackdown on nationwide protests in January that were calling for the end to his rule. Security forces killed at least 7,000 people during that crackdown, according to rights groups that say the numbers could rise significantly when verification is completed.

Since the war began, U.S. and Israeli airstrikes have killed not just Mr. Khamenei’s father, but also his wife, Zahra Adel; his mother, Mansoureh Khojasteh Bagherzadeh; and a son; the Iranian government said.

Other candidates who were considered to be finalists for the supreme leader role were Alireza Arafi, a cleric and jurist who was part of the three-person transition council of leadership named after Ayatollah Khamenei was killed, and Seyed Hassan Khomeini, a grandson of the Islamic revolution’s founding father, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.

Both Mr. Arafi and Mr. Khomeini are viewed as moderates, with the latter being close to the sidelined reformist political faction in Iran.

Some analysts hold that Mr. Khamenei might yet lean toward reform, despite his father’s style. They argue that he is of a younger, more pragmatic generation of clerics and because of his lineage would face less resistance from the hard-line and conservative factions.

Abdolreza Davari, a politician close to Mr. Khamenei, said in a phone interview from Tehran that if Mr. Khamenei did succeed his father, he might emerge as a figure in the style of the Saudi Arabian leader Mohammed bin Salman, who has brought some liberalization to his society.

“If there is anyone who could move toward some sort of de-escalation with the United States, it is him — any other person would face backlash from the ruling class and conservatives,” said Mr. Davari. “He intends to bring structural change.”

How Washington would view him is uncertain. On Tuesday, at a news conference in Washington, President Trump said that many of the people his government had viewed as potential leaders of Iran had been killed since the fighting began. “Pretty soon we’re not going to know anybody,” he said.

Asked about a worst-case scenario in Iran, he said: “I guess the worst case would be we do this and somebody takes over who’s as bad as the previous person. Right, that could happen. We don’t want that to happen.”

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/08/worl ... e9677ea768
kmaherali
Posts: 25145
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: THE MIDDLE EAST

Post by kmaherali »

Trump Has No Idea How to End the War With Iran


By Thomas L. Friedman

Opinion Columnist

阅读简体中文版閱讀繁體中文版
In September 1996, I visited Tehran for the first time. I stayed at the Homa Hotel, formerly a Sheraton. I wrote at the time that fixed above the door in the lobby was a sign that read, in English, “Down with U.S.A.” As I pondered that sign, I remember thinking something like: Wow, that’s not graffiti! That’s firmly attached. That won’t come down easily.

The late 1990s were a fleeting moment of openness in Iran, which is how I got a visa. I was hopeful that the obvious quest then of many of Iran’s young people to join the world economy would eventually triumph over its leaders who had fixed those words into the wall. It didn’t happen. The words were too deeply embedded.

Now, we’re more than a week into the war with Iran launched by President Trump and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel, and the biggest question I have is this: What if the necessary is impossible? What if the transformation of Iran is so much more important than the war’s critics admit, but so much more difficult than the war’s designers understand?

Yes, nothing would improve the prospects of the people of Iran, Lebanon, Iraq, Syria, Gaza, Yemen and Israel more than removing the Islamic regime in Tehran.

But what if that regime is also so embedded — in mayoralties, schools, police stations, government jobs, the banking system, the military, neighborhood paramilitaries — that, despite its unpopularity with a majority of Iranians, it can’t be removed without plunging the entire Iranian landmass, about a sixth the size of the United States and home to 90 million people, into chaos? What if the only quick alternative to Iran’s Islamic autocracy is not democracy but disorder on an epic scale?

Nothing underscores the embeddedness of this regime more than the fact that Iran just replaced its supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, killed early in the war, with his son Mojtaba Khamenei, said to be another hard-liner.

Because this war took me and many others completely by surprise, I am feeling my way forward — trying to think through the best-case and worst-case scenarios with humility, because none of us have been here before.

As I do, events are telling me that Trump and Netanyahu should take their military achievement and call it a day, at least for now. Why?

First, it is obvious that Trump and Netanyahu started this war without any clear endgame in mind.

Netanyahu, I suspect, would probably be happy to turn Iran into another big Gaza and to just keep “mowing the grass,” or periodically putting down threats there, as he was so inclined to do in Gaza. As the Haaretz military analyst Amos Harel put it: “A few months ago, Netanyahu described Israel as a modern Sparta. But to preserve its militarist identity, a Sparta requires permanent military friction — of a kind that would also enable its ruler to remain in power — regardless of the price it exacts from the country.”

Keeping Israel at war with Iran, Hamas and Hezbollah enables Netanyahu to drag out his corruption trial and avoid a commission of inquiry for his failure to prevent Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, invasion. (If you think that is too cynical, you don’t know Netanyahu.)

For his part, Trump has been all over the map when talking about the morning after in Iran — and saying truly ridiculous and often contradictory things that reveal a commander in chief who is just making it up as he goes along. One day it’s regime change, one day not; one day he doesn’t care about Iran’s future, the next day he will have a say in choosing the country’s next leader; one day he’s open to negotiations, the next day he is demanding “unconditional surrender.”

I thought the Middle East analyst Hussein Ibish summed up the Trump strategy in Iran concisely when he wrote: “It goes like this: The U.S. and Israel bomb and destroy assets. Then (fill in the blank) Iranians will secure (fill in the blank) political change that will achieve (fill in the blank) U.S. war aims.”

Would you invest in a company whose leader, without warning, embarked on a radically new business strategy and then, in the next week, described its goals in five different ways? That is a flashing red light.

That said, Trump and Netanyahu appear to have significantly knocked back Iran’s nuclear capabilities and its ability to project power through its navy, air force and missiles. That is good for the Iranian people, given how many have been killed by the regime controlling that power, and it is good for the region. The wise thing to do now is pause and see how this plays out on what I call “the morning after the morning after.”

That is when real politics happens. That is, if the United States and Israel declared that, having achieved most of their military objectives, they are now ready to halt their attacks — as long as Iran does as well — the surviving Iranian leadership would most certainly declare to the world and its people the morning after: “We showed them — we defied the combined power of the Great Satan and the Little Satan.”

But the morning after the morning after, I’d bet on an explosive debate and infighting among the ruling elite in Tehran. Many voices of the people, merchants and reformers in the regime will surely declare to Iran’s hard-liners: “Look at the disaster you have brought upon us. If this is a great victory by Iran, what does defeat look like? We have lost our savings, our economy, our environment, much of our military and the friendship of all our immediate neighbors. What future do we have?”

Just consider the infighting we are already seeing between Iran’s president and hard-line military factions over the wisdom of Iran attacking its Arab neighbors in hopes of getting them to pressure Washington to stop the war. Who knows what could emerge between the Iranian people and the regime, and within the regime, over time when the war stops and the true bill for Iran’s extreme behavior comes due.

To be sure, no one can guarantee that this morning-after-the-morning-after politics will end in a change in the regime or of the regime. But it has every bit as much a chance as just bombing Tehran and Beirut into rubble and hoping a popular uprising will emerge.

We are already seeing a desalination plant in Iran being bombed, and, in retaliation, Iran striking Bahrain’s desalination plant. If that trend spreads, people are going to run out of water very fast. The potential for Iran’s becoming an even bigger environmental disaster than the ayatollahs have already made it is very real; no one will be able to live there.

There was a haunting passage in a Times article on Monday about the mood in Tehran about the war.

“Peyman, a digital entrepreneur in Tehran, worries that the price has grown too high. Like many Iranians interviewed, he said he spent his days at home, unable to work, watching the destruction with increasing fear and unease. He wondered how locals could prevent even petty crime with police stations bombed out — let alone how any government could pick up running the country after so much had been destroyed.”

Peyman told The Times, “If we are going to live in Iran in the future, no matter what government we have, we still need institutions.”

Iran’s regime is a disgrace — a menace to its own people, to its neighbors and to a rules-based order as much as any other nation. I pray that it can pass into history soon, at a reasonable cost, and unlock the Iranian people’s enormous potential to contribute to humanity.

But endlessly bombing it, destroying more and more military and civilian infrastructure and just hoping that Iranians seeking democracy will come together — with barely any internet to communicate with, and where moving anywhere on the roads can be deadly dangerous — and topple this entrenched killer regime on their own … well, show me where that has ever happened in history.

My guess is that this regime will break only from the top, which will be a process that will start only after there is a cease-fire.

The best that the Trump-Netanyahu bombs-away strategy can do is start that process; just tilting Iran onto a better track where it is less of a threat to its own people and neighbors would be a significant achievement. The worst the strategy can do is so devastate Iran with endless aerial bombardments that it becomes ungovernable for anyone. That would be a disaster of incalculable proportions.

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/09/opin ... e9677ea768
kmaherali
Posts: 25145
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: THE MIDDLE EAST

Post by kmaherali »

Why Is Iran Blocking the Strait of Hormuz?

With attacks and threats, Tehran is using the world’s most important transit point for oil and gas as leverage against its enemies.

Where ships have been attacked
The paths of ships struck in and near the Persian Gulf

Map

Note: Damage is as of Thursday. Included in the data are cargo ships, oil tankers and other similar commercial vessels.Sources: Kpler, Kuwait National Petroleum Company, Saudi Arabian Ministry of Energy, Planet Labs, Pole Star Global, QatarEnergy, United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations and Vanguard Tech.The New York Times

By The New York Times
March 12, 2026
阅读简体中文版閱讀繁體中文版
Two oil tankers were attacked and left burning off the Iraqi coast on Thursday, the latest in a series of strikes during the Middle East war that have crippled the global energy sector.

Iran has taken responsibility for several of the strikes on merchant ships in the Persian Gulf and Strait of Hormuz, through which one-fifth of the world’s oil output normally flows. Tehran has said that it would not allow oil shipments that benefit the United States and its allies to pass through the strait.

Oil prices have surged to trade around $100 per barrel, forcing dozens of countries to release emergency reserves to stabilize their economies.

The strikes on shipping have given Iran a strategic success, putting economic pressure on the United States and its allies even as Iran is under heavy attack. Tehran’s actions have also raised questions about whether the United States planned for a lengthy shutdown of the strait.

“The lever of blocking the Strait of Hormuz must continue to be used,” said Mojtaba Khamenei, Iran’s new supreme leader.

Here’s what you need to know:
What’s the latest?
Why is the Strait of Hormuz so important?
How is Iran choking off traffic?
How is it affecting energy prices around the world?

What’s the latest?

On Thursday, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps claimed responsibility for attacking one of the two tankers off Iraq’s coast, saying the Marshall Islands-flagged ship had “disobeyed and ignored” warnings.

Image
Image
One of two tankers that were burning near Iraq on Thursday.Credit...Mohammed Aty/Reuters

A British naval monitoring group said that a third ship was struck by an unknown projectile near Dubai. Security concerns on Thursday also forced the closure of oil export terminals in Iraq and Oman.

In all, more than a dozen shipping vessels have been struck since the United States and Israel attacked Iran in late February.

Why is the Strait of Hormuz so important?

The Strait of Hormuz is a strategic waterway connecting the Persian Gulf to the Gulf of Oman and the broader Indian Ocean. It is the only sea route that can move oil, natural gas and other cargo out of the Persian Gulf. Iran’s coastline runs along both the strait and the gulf.

At the strait’s narrowest point — between Iran to the north and Oman’s Musandam Peninsula to the south — the navigable channel is about two miles wide each for inbound and outbound traffic, according to the International Energy Agency.

In normal times, about 20 percent of global oil and liquid natural gas passes through the strait. Most of the fossil fuels are bound for Asia, especially China, India, Japan and South Korea.


Where tankers moving through the Strait have traveled
Map Illustration:
Ningbo

Strait of Hormuz

Dubai

Mumbai

Singapore

Note: Tanker paths are between Jan. 1 and March 2 and include all tankers and gas carriers. Source: Kpler.
Other large vessels also normally go through the strait, including car carriers and container ships. Crucial industrial goods — including helium from Qatar, fertilizer from Oman and Saudi Arabia and plastic feedstocks from Saudi Arabia and Emirati petrochemical plants — also travel through Hormuz.

How is Iran choking off traffic?

Iran’s military currently has a strategic advantage in the Persian Gulf and the strait, with the ability to threaten shipping traffic, even after much of its navy has been destroyed by U.S. and Israeli strikes.

Image
A gray warship is centered on a dark sea, flanked by three cargo ships. The sky is muted gray.
Image
A United Arab Emirates Navy vessel patrolling next to cargo ships and oil tankers in the Strait of Hormuz on Wednesday.Credit...Altaf Qadri/Associated Press

Projectiles: Since the war began, at least a dozen cargo vessels and oil tankers have been hit in the Gulf and the strait. Iran has taken responsibility for several of them. It’s not entirely clear what type of weapons it used, but Iran’s military has deployed a wide array of missiles and drones during the conflict.

Mines: The next stage of the fighting may involve naval mines, explosives that are often no bigger than a beach ball which can still sink large vessels. On Thursday, Iran started laying mines in the Strait of Hormuz, according to U.S. officials.

The U.S. has destroyed dozens of larger Iranian mine-laying vessels, but Iran used smaller boats — of which the I.R.G.C. has hundreds, if not thousands — for the mining operation, a U.S. official said.

Insurance: After a relatively small number of strikes, the cost of insuring a vessel to go through the strait has soared, making it prohibitively expensive. President Trump has said the U.S. government may provide affordable insurance coverage, but experts are dubious. One analyst estimated the potential cost could be more than $300 billion.

Iran’s own tankers: For years, the common wisdom among military analysts was that Iran would not close the strait because it needed to export its own oil. But shipping analysts say that in recent days, Iran has been loading oil and exporting it through the strait, letting its own ships through even as it threatens and attacks others.

Since March 1, at least 10 tankers and gas carriers have left Iran and transited the strait, according to Lloyd’s List Intelligence, a shipping analysis firm.

How is it affecting energy prices around the world?

Video
Why Does Oil Matter So Much to the Global Economy?

2:21
The war in the Middle East has sent oil and gas prices soaring. Our energy reporter Rebecca F. Elliott breaks down how much the world continues to depend on reliable sources of oil.

The war in the Middle East has caused the “the largest supply disruption in the history of the global oil market,” the International Energy Agency said on Thursday.

In the United States, gasoline prices rose by about 20 percent. In Europe, the price of natural gas surged more than 43 percent, and diesel prices doubled. Asia, which receives roughly 70 percent of all crude shipped through Hormuz, absorbed the worst of the supply shock, forcing countries like Pakistan to move to a four-day workweek to conserve fuel.

In response, the 32 member states of the I.E.A. agreed this week to release 400 million barrels of oil from their strategic reserves, the most ever. But the move did not bring oil prices down: The price of Brent crude, the global benchmark, climbed briefly back above $100 a barrel on Thursday, about $30 higher than it was before the war began.

Image
A Chevron gas station at dusk with a large price sign showing gas at over 8 dollars a gallon. City buildings stand under a purple and pinkish sky in the background.
Image
High prices at a gas station in Los Angeles on Monday, as costs have surged because of the conflict in the Middle East.Credit...Frederic J. Brown/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Higher energy prices have rippled across the global economy, stoking inflation and threatening countries around the world.

Mr. Trump has touted the “energy dominance” of the United States, which is the world’s biggest oil producer. But oil is a globally priced commodity, so higher crude prices translate into higher prices at U.S. gas stations, regardless of how much oil the U.S. produces domestically.

Peter Eavis, John Ismay, Ed Wong Julian E. Barnes, Anton Troianovski and Yeganeh Torbati contributed additional reporting.

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/12/worl ... roid-share
kmaherali
Posts: 25145
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: THE MIDDLE EAST

Post by kmaherali »

‘Not our war’: Gulf states weigh up options as existential threat from Iran conflict grows

Arab states have so far only acted defensively, but there is growing fear war is entering new, more dangerous phase

Hannah Ellis-Petersen in Dubai
Fri 20 Mar 2026 15.35 GMT

Image

The boom reverberated so loudly over Dubai marina that the windows of the surrounding skyscrapers and exclusive hotels gave a loud, disconcerting rattle.

“That sounded close, do you think a missile has hit something?” said a young man to his friend as they sipped coffees. Moments earlier, all mobile phones in the vicinity had sounded off with a shrill alarm, the new normal for those living in the Gulf, warning of missile and drone strikes in the area. Customers barely looked up.

Another alert came moments later. The United Arab Emirates air defence systems and fighter jets had successfully intercepted “ballistic missiles … drones and loitering munitions” and all was safe in Dubai – for now. Footage from the previous night captured these systems in action, shooting down a drone in a fiery ball over Dubai’s convention centre, debris raining down like fireworks.

For 20 days, since the US and Israel began their bombing of Iran, the Gulf states have faced a relentless barrage of thousands of Iranian drones and missiles fired at their airports, hotels, ports, military bases, financial districts, datacentres and apartment blocks. Though it has represented an unfathomable attack on their sovereignty, security and economy – in Dubai, shattering an economically crucial illusion of safety and glamour – Gulf countries have so far only responded defensively, spending billions on interceptors that have managed to shoot down about 90% of Iran’s ballistics.

Video: https://uploads.guim.co.uk/2026/03/20/F ... p4#t=0.001
Footage shows fire in Saudi Arabia's Yanbu refinery and Kuwait's Mina Abdullah refinery

The overarching priority among the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) – the political grouping of the Gulf countries – has been to avoid getting dragged into a war that is not theirs and they had tried furiously to stop.

But the past few days have been marked by growing fear that the Middle East war is entering a new, even more dangerous frontier; one that poses an existential threat to the Gulf countries – and pressure is mounting for them to retaliate. After Israel attacked Iran’s South Pars gasfield, the first targeted attacks on its fossil fuel production since the war began, the Iranian regime vowed to show “zero restraint” in hitting back at energy infrastructure in the Gulf, its closest and easiest target.

Iran has been true to their word. In Qatar, almost a fifth of its liquefied natural gas export capacity was knocked out in a strike on its Ras Laffan gas complex. Authorities in Abu Dhabi in the UAE were forced to shut down operations at its Habshan gas facility and Bab field, calling the attacks a “dangerous escalation”. Kuwait’s state oil firm, KPC, said its Mina al-Ahmadi refinery was hit by multiple drone attacks early on Friday, and Saudi Arabia said two of its oil refineries were targeted.

People sit by the water in Abu Dhabi in the UAE on Friday.
Image
People sit by the water in Abu Dhabi in the UAE on Friday. Photograph: Ryan Lim/AFP/Getty Images

Meanwhile, Iran has continued to blockade the strait of Hormuz, through which most of the oil and gas produced in the Gulf is exported to the rest of the world.

“From the GCC perspective, this war has exposed a deeply troubling reality: all three parties involved are becoming increasingly irrational and detached from reality, each pursuing agendas that threaten to drag the region and the world into a very dark place,” said Ali Bakir, assistant professor of international affairs, security, and defence at Qatar University.

Though small, the petrostates of the Gulf are largely very rich and armed up to the hilt with advanced weapons and aircraft bought from the US. As a collective of six states, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, the UAE, Kuwait, Bahrain and Oman, the GCC countries collectively have about 2,000 F-15 and F-18 military aircraft, while other western powers are queueing up to sell them more weapons. However, only Saudi Arabia, and to a lesser extent the UAE, have experience in large-scale air warfare.

Image

Bakir said Iran was “playing with fire” as it escalated its attacks on energy infrastructure in the Gulf. “The pressure will mount for the GCC states to switch from a defensive to an offensive posture – especially as interceptor stocks run low,” he said.

Since Donald Trump began bombing Iran, Washington has been pressuring the GCC states to join “his side”. Yet, as Bakir and others emphasised, the long-term consequences of military intervention could still prove too costly for the Gulf states to justify, and risked becoming a dangerous geopolitical trap.

Not only would it legitimise a war the GCC had vehemently opposed, say analysts, but mistrust of Trump now runs deep among the Gulf leadership and there is a palpable fear that GCC striking back against Iran would be used by the US as a foil to withdraw and declare victory. “The GCC would be left with a bloody, open-ended war with Iran that would scar generations,” said Bakir.

Saudi Arabia has been among the most bullish in its response to Iran. Speaking on Thursday, the foreign minister, Prince Faisal bin Farhan, said Saudi Arabia “reserved the right to take military actions if deemed necessary”.

Saudi foreign minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan (C) participates in the consultative ministerial meeting on the regional developments in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, on Thursday.

Image
Prince Faisal bin Farhan (C) at meeting on regional developments in Riyadh. Photograph: Xinhua/Shutterstock

Yet the comments were perceived by analysts more as an effort by the Saudi crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, still sore after attacks by the Houthis in Yemen, to project strength domestically. Few believe that Saudi Arabia would act alone in joining the war due to the risks to itself and of blowing the conflict open even wider. Meanwhile, a GCC agreement on any collective intervention appears elusive.

Gulf states also remain suspicious that the US is acting as a proxy for Israel, and its perceived attempts to gain hegemony over the Middle East. Writing in the Economist this week, the Omani minister Badr Albusaidi said the US had “lost control of its foreign policy”. One Gulf leader privately described Trump as Benjamin Netanyahu’s “poodle”.

“I doubt very much whether any Arab Gulf state would ever join the American-Israeli war because, as they have all said repeatedly: this is not our war,” said Fawaz Gerges, a professor of international relations at the London School of Economics. “They believe it’s not even America’s war.”

Nonetheless, as Gerges emphasised, the Gulf found itself “in an impossible situation, between a rock and a very hard place”, balancing the need to defend their sovereignty while also protecting their regional security in the future.

Image

The reality now facing Gulf leaders is that Iran’s regime remains entrenched, and the US and Israel’s assassination of the supreme leader, Ali Hosseini Khamenei, the head of the supreme national security council, Ali Larijani, and intelligence minister Esmail Khatib, as well as dozens of other defence and security officials, have so far all failed to bring about a surrender.

“Iran has crossed every red line,” he said. “But Arab Gulf states have to think about the future and what a postwar Iran might look like. An injured, enraged and a bleeding Iran could really threaten Gulf security and economic interest for the foreseeable future. A military offensive only risks antagonising them further.”

He also cast doubt on the likelihood of the Gulf states joining Trump’s call for warships to secure the strait of Hormuz, which geographically favours Iran and is notoriously hard to secure. “I doubt it very much, because they don’t have the naval resources, and sending navies into the strait of Hormuz is a trap for getting engaged in warfare,” said Gerges.

But as the hopes for an imminent diplomatic solution have faded, there has also been a hardening of opinion among Gulf leaders and thinkers on Iran, and a growing push for the US to continue with a total decimation of Iran’s military capabilities.

“The GCC countries understand that this regime is now extremely dangerous, even unhinged – we don’t even know who is really running the country,” said Muhanad Seloom, assistant professor of international politics and security at the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies.

“The US decapitating the Iranian regime for good is definitely the only option we have now. Otherwise, any time Iran is under pressure, they know they can hit the Gulf, they know they can blockade the strait of Hormuz, and that will be effective. That’s an existential threat for the GCC.”

Seloom was echoed by Abdulkhaleq Abdulla, associate professor of political science at the United Arab Emirates University. “America wanted this,” he said. “So let them finish it.”

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/ ... crisis-war
kmaherali
Posts: 25145
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: THE MIDDLE EAST

Post by kmaherali »

Trump’s Gulf allies push to have their concerns addressed before Iran war ends

Image
https://media.cnn.com/api/v1/images/ste ... ill/f_avif

Before the Iran war, US President Donald Trump’s Gulf Arab allies lobbied hard against strikes, fearing the attacks Tehran is now unleashing on them. As the war drags on, they fear a quick exit could leave them worse off than before it began.

Over the past week, as momentum toward negotiations to end the war has grown, Gulf Arab officials have stated openly that Iran’s military capabilities, used to punish them for the US and Israel’s actions, cannot remain intact in any future regional order. While the perceived nuclear threat still looms, they see Iran’s missiles as a more urgent risk.

Saudi Arabia wants Tehran’s cruise and ballistic missile capabilities degraded “as much as possible,” before the war ends, a regional official familiar with the Saudi position told CNN, while the United Arab Emirates believes it would be “difficult” for the region to continue to live with an Iranian missile and drone program, according to same official..

The message from the Iran war “has become very clear,” Anwar Gargash, adviser to the UAE president, said last week.

“Our thinking does not stop at a ceasefire, but rather turns toward solutions that ensure lasting security” in the Gulf, he said, including addressing Iran’s “nuclear threat, missiles, drones, and the bullying of the straits.”

“It is inconceivable that this aggression should turn into a permanent state of threat,” he added in a post on X Sunday.

US officials say they are seeking similar objectives.

US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said this month the goal is to “destroy Iranian offensive missiles, destroy Iranian missile production, destroy their navy and other security infrastructure.”

Rewriting Regional Security

Iranian officials have said that the majority of their firepower has been used against neighboring Arab states, which has baffled regional leaders who insist they played no role in the war and actively lobbied against it. As the war progressed, Tehran accused several Gulf Arab states of allowing the US to use their territories to launch attacks onto the Islamic Republic.

Iran’s demands have also changed throughout the war, with Iranian officials saying they demand a new status quo in the region which includes formalizing Tehran’s control over the Strait of Hormuz, war reparations and a shift in the decades-old alliances between Gulf Arab states and the US. It has also threatened to expand its attacks against its Arab neighbors.

The New York Times on Tuesday cited American officials saying Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has been pushing Trump to continue the war against Iran, arguing that it presents a “historic opportunity” to remake the Middle East.

The public messaging from Saudi Arabia however remains focused on de-escalation.

A senior Saudi official told CNN that Riyadh “remains supportive” of a peaceful resolution to this conflict, as it has before the war began.

“Our primary concern today is to defend ourselves from the daily attacks on our people and our civilian infrastructure,” the official said. “We remain in close contact with the Trump administration, and our commitment remains unchanged.”

Image
The site of a residential building hit in an overnight strike in Tabriz, northwestern Iran Mati Hashemi/AP

Qatar, whose LNG production has come to a complete halt because of Iran’s attacks, has also insisted that any solution to the war must take into consideration the interests of the Arab neighbors that Iran has struck.

“There has to be a role from our countries in rewriting the regional security system in line with our strategic interests,” Qatar’s foreign ministry spokesperson Majed Al-Ansari told a briefing Tuesday.

Public Enemy Number One

US-Israeli attacks on Iran have killed more than 1,750 people and injured more than 20,000 since they started four weeks ago, according to an Iranian official.

Iran has responded by launching thousands of projectiles at cities across neighboring Arab states, shattering the stability the region had long. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has effectively blocked shipping through the critical Strait of Hormuz, depriving Iran’s neighbors of billions of dollars in revenue from energy exports.

Iranian attacks have led to the deaths of more than 25 people and injured more than 200 across the Gulf, according to figures released by the respective governments. The UAE has suffered the heaviest casualties in the Gulf region.

Trump has been adamant that the US and Israel have already won the war. This week, he indicated that Washington could soon begin negotiations with Tehran, possibly in Pakistan, even as the US prepares to deploy additional troops to the Middle East in the coming days, according to two sources familiar with the matter.

Over the past few years, Gulf Arab states had moved to significantly improve relations with Iran, but experts say the ferocity of Tehran’s attacks against them has given new life to the notion that the Islamic Republic remains their most formidable threat. An Iranian regime left intact after this war, with control of the Strait of Hormuz and an emboldened IRGC capable of striking at will energy facilities, is their worst nightmare.

“Saudi and the rest of the Gulf countries have a very specific interest in whatever agreement might be reached between the US and Iran,” Abdulaziz Sager, chairman of the Saudi-based Gulf Research Center, told CNN. “There has to be a structured guarantee that this will not happen again.”

Gulf Arab countries are now facing the “ugly” side Iran that is run by the IRGC, said Abdulkhaleq Abdulla, a political scientist from the UAE.

Today, Iran is “public enemy number one” to Gulf Arab states, Abdulla said. “It’s not a terrorist state, but it is run by a terrorist organization.”

“This is an ugly Iran that we are confronted with, and it is the duty of everybody, not just America to… not surrender and do not let this (Iran) go away without being punished.”

CNN’s Sarah Sirgany contributed to this report.

https://www.cnn.com/2026/03/26/middleea ... flict-intl
kmaherali
Posts: 25145
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: THE MIDDLE EAST

Post by kmaherali »

UAE official: More than 90% of Iran's targets were civilian infrastructure

The minister of state said Iran had hit the United Arab Emirates with over 2,800 missiles and drones since the start of the war.

Image
Fire and plumes of smoke rise after a drone struck a fuel tank near Dubai International Airport in the United Arab Emirates on Monday, March 16. | AP

By JACOB WENDLER
04/19/2026 12:24 PM EDT


The United Arab Emirates’ minister of state said Sunday the country had been hit with over 2,800 missiles and drones in the first 40 days of the U.S. and Israel’s war with Iran, adding that more than 90% of the targets were civilian infrastructure.

Reem Al Hashimy, the UAE’s minister of state for international cooperation, said during a Sunday morning appearance on ABC’s “This Week” that Iran was seeking to destroy the UAE’s “model of prosperity and tolerance.

“We used our oil wealth to build an economic powerhouse. They used their wealth for nuclear programs that are nefarious, for missiles, drones, proxies, etc.,” she told host Jonathan Karl. “So whereas we tried to become and have become an international, global, responsible player, they are a pariah state. And they wanted to break that model, but they underestimated our resolve.”

The UAE has faced a barrage of attacks from Iran since the U.S. and Israel launched joint attacks on Iran in late February. While the Gulf state — like many of its neighbors — initially opposed the war, it has since shifted its tone as it considers how to avoid the breakout of a larger regional war.

Asked if she agreed with President Donald Trump’s assessment that there had been regime change in Iran, Al Hashimy expressed skepticism that Iran’s leadership had changed meaningfully.

“I know that personalities have changed. You have different characters that are currently in place,” she said “But how has that changed the character of the Revolutionary Guard? That’s yet to see — doesn’t seem very hopeful, though. Right now.”

Trump said Sunday morning that the U.S. would resume peace talks with Iranian officials in Pakistan on Monday after an initial round of negotiations failed to yield meaningful progress. Trump initially told Karl that Vice President JD Vance would not attend the second round of talks, but the White House later walked that back.

The president previously threatened to decimate Iranian civilian infrastructure and eliminate “a whole civilization” if Iran did not agree to open the Strait of Hormuz, sparking sharp recriminations from Democrats and human rights experts. Speaking to Karl on Sunday morning, U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Mike Waltz insisted that “all options are on the table.”

Asked if she harbored concerns about Trump’s threats, Al Hashimy said the UAE believes that “maximum pressure” is necessary to move forward, while cautioning against civilian attacks.

“Ultimately, we don’t want to hurt the Iranian people. That’s very important to mention. But at the same time, it’s the Revolutionary Guard that have taken forward a military stance and a posture not against the U.S. and Israel alone, but against the very neighborhood that they operate in through the Gulf states.”

https://www.politico.com/news/2026/04/1 ... e-00880064
kmaherali
Posts: 25145
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: THE MIDDLE EAST

Post by kmaherali »

Israel Said to Have Helped Defend Emirates in Iran War With Iron Dome

It appeared to be the first time the missile defense system was sent to an Arab country. The Emirates bore the brunt of Iran’s retaliatory attacks on Gulf countries during the war.

Image
Missiles being intercepted over Tel Aviv last June.Credit...Leo Correa/Associated Press

By Adam Rasgon
Reporting from Tel Aviv

May 1, 2026

The Israeli military deployed its Iron Dome missile defense system in the United Arab Emirates during the Iran war, according to two people familiar with the move, a remarkable display of defense cooperation between Israel and an Arab nation.

Iron Dome was developed by Israel to intercept incoming short-range rocket fire and has been a critical line of defense in the country’s wars with Hamas and Hezbollah.

Israeli soldiers traveled to the Emirates to operate the system, said one of the two people, who both spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive information. The news site Axios first reported that Israel sent Iron Dome to the Emirates.

It appeared to be the first time the system was deployed in an Arab country. The arrangement underscores the close relationship Israel has developed with the Persian Gulf country since the two agreed to normalize their relations in 2020.

It also signals how the Emirates is increasingly pursuing its own interests, unconstrained by traditional alliances and conventions in the region, where cooperation with Israel remains taboo among much of the Arab public. Most notably, it has pulled away from its once-close alignment with Saudi Arabi.

On Tuesday, the Emirates announced it was withdrawing from OPEC, a cartel of oil-producing countries, which includes many of its Gulf neighbors, including Saudi Arabia, the de facto leader of the cartel.

The Israeli military and the Emirati foreign ministry did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the Iron Dome deployment. The Israeli defense ministry also declined to comment.

After the U.S.-Israeli assault on Iran began on Feb. 28, Iran retaliated by launching attacks on Israel and Arab countries that host American military bases. The Emirates bore the brunt of that in the Gulf, and fielded more attacks than any of its neighbors, experts say.

In April, the Emirati ministry of defense said that the country’s air defenses had engaged nearly 3,000 missiles and drones during the war. The attacks killed several people and injured many more, and caused damage to civilian infrastructure, including hotels, and some military sites.

Iranian-made Shahed-136 drones posed a particular challenge to the country, occasionally managing to evade its air defense systems.

The U.A.E. was the first of several Arab countries to normalize relations with Israel during President Trump’s first term, in a series of agreements that came to be known as the Abraham Accords.

The Emirates has maintained those relations, even as Israel faced immense criticism from Arab countries for its bombing campaign in Gaza, following the Hamas-led Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel.

Natan Odenheimer contributed reporting.

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/05/01/worl ... e9677ea768
kmaherali
Posts: 25145
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: THE MIDDLE EAST

Post by kmaherali »

What to Know About the Growing Saudi Arabia-U.A.E. Rift

Officials say competition between the countries is healthy. But tensions are mounting over energy quotas, regional conflicts and their different visions for the Middle East.

Two men wearing robes and headdresses walk through an ornate room with a lavender carpet.
Image
A photograph released by Saudi Royal Court showing Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, right, and the Emirati leader, Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed, in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, in 2023.Credit...Bandar Algaloud/Saudi Royal Court

Ismaeel Naar
By Ismaeel Naar
Reporting from Dubai, United Arab Emirates

May 5, 2026
Updated 12:38 p.m. ET

When the United Arab Emirates announced last week that it would withdraw from OPEC, the move reverberated beyond global oil markets. It was the latest sign that the Emirates’ once close partnership with another Persian Gulf powerhouse, Saudi Arabia, had fractured into open rivalry.

Saudi Arabia has historically been the dominant voice within OPEC — the cartel of leading oil producers — and has leveraged its vast production capacity to sway global prices. So the Emirati decision to leave the organization, starting in May, signaled a deeper rejection of a system long seen as dictated by the Saudi leadership.

The divergence between Saudi and Emirati leaders did not happen overnight.

A decade ago, Saudi Arabia’s de facto leader, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, and the Emirati leader, Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed, were viewed as ideologically aligned allies. Both were ambitious, assertive and in lock-step in their efforts to reshape the region after the Arab Spring uprisings that they saw as a threat to their governing systems.

Together, they waged war against the Houthi rebels in Yemen. They also moved jointly to isolate a Persian Gulf neighbor, Qatar, over accusations of supporting terrorism, which Qatar denied. And they coordinated closely against their common regional adversary, Iran.

Today, the relationship looks vastly different. The two nations increasingly back opposing sides in regional wars, pursue conflicting energy strategies and compete for global investment.

A clash over oil and economics

For decades, the Emirati city of Dubai was the Middle East’s premier hub for finance, logistics and multinational corporations. But over the past 10 years, Prince Mohammed’s sweeping plans to turn Saudi Arabia into a business and tourism powerhouse have increasingly placed the country in direct competition with the Emirates.

Saudi officials made that ambition explicit when they required international companies seeking lucrative government contracts to establish regional headquarters in the capital, Riyadh. Saudi officials said in March last year that more than 600 companies had established regional bases in Riyadh.

To Emirati officials, the message was unmistakable: Saudi Arabia was no longer content to rely on oil wealth and political influence, and was moving directly into their economic territory.

Both nations have also been pouring billions of dollars into emerging sectors like artificial intelligence, renewable energy and global infrastructure — often targeting the same investors and markets.

Image
The skyline of Dubai with multiple tall towers in the background and a waterway in the foreground.
Image
For decades, Dubai, in the United Arab Emirates, was the Middle East’s premier hub for finance, logistics and multinational corporations.Credit...Katarina Premfors for The New York Times

Though Saudi Arabia has long dominated OPEC, the Emirates has built up its own capabilities, expanding oil production potential. And it has sought greater flexibility to increase output.

Emirati officials have openly expressed frustration that OPEC has prevented them from fully capitalizing on their production capacities.

From alliance to confrontation in Yemen

The split has been clear in Yemen, an impoverished, war-ravaged country at the southern tip of the Arabian Peninsula. When Saudi Arabia and the Emirates launched a bombing campaign in 2015, they presented a united front to combat the Iran-backed Houthis and restore Yemen’s internationally recognized government.

Over time, that objective splintered.

Sharing a long, porous border, Saudi Arabia saw a unified Yemen as essential to preventing hostile forces from threatening its southern flank.

The Emirates, lacking any border with Yemen, cultivated allies, notably supporting the Southern Transitional Council — an armed group seeking a breakaway state in the south. That alliance granted the Emiratis sway over strategic ports and shipping routes in the southern Arabian Peninsula.

Image
A few dozen burned out vehicles are parked near industrial installations.
Image
Burned-out military vehicles at a port in southern Yemen in December after a strike by a Saudi-led coalition.Credit...Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

By late 2025, those diverging interests had escalated into direct confrontation when Emirati-backed forces seized territory in southern and eastern Yemen, encompassing resource-rich areas critical to Saudi interests.

The crisis reached a climax in December, when Saudi-led forces bombed what they said was an Emirati weapons shipment bound for Yemeni separatists.

Competing visions in Sudan

The rivalry has also played out in East Africa, where a civil war in Sudan has killed tens of thousands and created one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises.

After President Omar al-Bashir’s ouster in 2019, both Saudi Arabia and the Emirates sought to shape Sudan’s political transition. As the country descended into conflict, their approaches diverged.

Saudi Arabia backs the Sudanese military, framing the support as an effort to preserve state institutions and prevent further chaos. Saudi officials view stability in Sudan as crucial to the security of Egypt — an important Saudi ally — and to the balance of power along the Red Sea.

Image
Half a dozen young men, holding rifles and dressed in camouflage military uniforms, stand around a pickup truck
Image
Sudanese military fighters in Khartoum, Sudan, in March 2025. Both Saudi Arabia and the Emirates have sought to shape Sudan’s future. But as the country descended into conflict, their approaches diverged.Credit...Ivor Prickett for The New York Times

The Emirates has been accused of supporting the Rapid Support Forces, a rival, paramilitary group. Emirati officials deny those allegations, despite evidence to the contrary.

Friction, but no sign of severing ties

The rift has even drawn in the White House. In November, President Trump told Sheikh Mohammed of the Emirates that Prince Mohammed of Saudi Arabia had urged him to impose sanctions on the Emirates over its alleged support for the Rapid Support Forces in Sudan, according to four people briefed on the call.

Within weeks, the spat between the two countries became bitterly public, shattering decades of official cordiality.

Still, neither Gulf country has signaled a willingness to sever ties, and officials on both sides describe the relationship as strategically important. Historically, in times of crisis, the countries have banded together.

After the Emirates came under renewed Iranian attack on Monday, Prince Mohammed called Sheikh Mohammed to condemn the strikes and to express support for the Emirates as it defends its security, the official Saudi news agency reported.

But the Emirates’ OPEC departure indicated that even the war with Iran cannot erase fundamental tensions between the two leaders. The strained relationship between the Gulf powerhouses is likely to influence the region’s trajectory for years to come.

Image
A large oval conference table with delegates sitting around it.
Image
An Arab League summit in Baghdad last year.Credit...Pool photo by Hadi Mizban

Vivian Nereim contributed reporting from Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.

A correction was made on May 5, 2026: An earlier version of this article referred incorrectly to the location of Yemen. It is at the southern tip of the Arabian Peninsula, not in the Persian Gulf.

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/05/05/worl ... roid-share
kmaherali
Posts: 25145
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: THE MIDDLE EAST

Post by kmaherali »

Saudi Arabia and U.A.E. Carried Out Secret Attacks in Iran, U.S. Officials Say

The Gulf Arab states have been grappling with how to deter Iran after the war made clear the limits of American security guarantees.

Image
Tehran, the capital of Iran, last week. Credit...Arash Khamooshi for The New York Times

By Eric Schmitt and Vivian Nereim
Eric Schmitt reported from Washington, D.C., and Vivian Nereim reported from Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.

May 14, 2026

Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates separately carried out strikes on Iran in retaliation for attacks conducted against them during the war in the Middle East, two current and one former senior U.S. officials said.

It is the first known time that the two countries have directly attacked Iran. The strikes, which were unannounced, underscored how both monarchies were becoming more assertive in defending their territory against the Islamic republic, the officials said.

All three spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss operational matters. They declined describing the targets that were struck by the Gulf Arab nations, or the exact dates of the attacks.

Neither the Saudi nor the Emirati government has acknowledged carrying out the attacks. Both countries host U.S. military installations but have maintained publicly that they are bystanders to the war, engaged only in defensive actions. The strikes would instead appear to make them direct combatants.

The Saudi government’s Center for International Communication, which handles media inquiries, did not respond to a request for comment, nor did the Emirati foreign ministry.

The Saudi strikes were reported earlier by Reuters. The Emirati strikes were reported earlier by The Wall Street Journal.

Saudi Arabia and the Emirates both have deep military relationships with the United States, and have traditionally relied on the United States to defend them against Iran.

Since the United States and Israel attacked Iran on Feb. 28 — against the advice of officials in several Gulf countries — that assumption has partially unraveled. Iran has launched thousands of retaliatory missile and drone attacks at Gulf Arab nations that host U.S. military installations, causing widespread damage to energy infrastructure, airports, seaports and hotels. The attacks have killed at least 19 civilians across the Gulf countries and shaken their economic models as safe havens for business and tourism in a turbulent region.

Those attacks prompted Saudi Arabia and the Emirates to take direct retaliatory action of their own, the officials said.

It is not clear whether either government coordinated its response with the United States. It is also unclear what the countries’ willingness to launch direct attacks says about their trust in their American partners to deter Iran.

“Both Saudi Arabia and the U.A.E. understand that they ultimately have to come to their own understandings with Iran,” said Firas Maksad, managing director for the Middle East and North Africa at Eurasia Group, a risk consultancy. They realize that the war is unlikely to topple the Iranian government, and any U.S.-Iran deal is unlikely to decisively eliminate the threat that Iran’s ballistic missiles and drones — and support for regional militias — pose to them, he said.

Image
Trees and buildings stand next to an empty road. Plumes of dark smoke rise in the distance.
Image
Smoke rising above Fujairah, United Arab Emirates, in March. The Gulf country has borne the brunt of Iran’s retaliatory strikes across the region.Credit...Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Maintaining leverage and deterrence was key for both countries, Mr. Maksad added. “Their retaliatory strikes were carried out with that reality in mind, but also while calibrating the response so as not to slide into further escalation.”

It is possible that the decision to launch direct military action by the Saudi and Emirati governments was also — at least partly — a way to curry favor with the Trump administration.

The attacks appeared to confirm earlier remarks from President Trump, who told reporters in March that Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia was “fighting with us.”

Later that month, speaking as a guest of Saudi Arabia’s sovereign wealth fund at a conference in Miami, Mr. Trump claimed that nearly all of the Gulf states were fighting with the United States.

“Saudi Arabia fought, Qatar fought, U.A.E. fought, Bahrain fought and Kuwait fought,” he said.

None of those countries have publicly said that they carried out direct attacks on Iran, or whether they allowed the United States to launch attacks from their territory.

Officials fear that doing so would attract even more Iranian attacks, analysts say. Joining the U.S.- and Israeli-led war effort against Iran could also be controversial domestically, particularly in a region where public opinion of Israel tends to be extremely negative.

Still, Saudi and Emirati officials had warned that they reserved the right to take military action against Iran.

In March, hours after eight ballistic missiles exploded over Saudi Arabia’s capital, the kingdom’s foreign minister said that his government had limited patience with Iran and would “take military actions if deemed necessary.”

“We will not shy away from protecting our country and our economic resources,” the minister, Prince Faisal bin Farhan, said.

Image
Prince Faisal bin Farhan, in traditional Saudi dress, stands behind a lectern with three microphones.
Image
Prince Faisal bin Farhan, Saudi Arabia’s foreign minister, speaking at a meeting on regional security in the Saudi capital, Riyadh, in March.Credit...Mohammed Benmansour/Reuters

It is unclear exactly what pushed the two countries to reconsider their relatively passive postures in the war.

Despite facing a barrage of Iranian attacks, Saudi Arabia has maintained diplomatic ties with Iran and kept open channels of communication with Iranian officials. It has also been openly supportive of Pakistan’s efforts to mediate between the United States and Iran in order to end the war.

The Emirates, which has faced far more frequent and damaging Iranian attacks than Saudi Arabia, has generally taken a more hawkish tone toward Iran, and doubled down on its ties to the United States and Israel. During the war, Israel quietly sent some Iron Dome missile defense equipment to the country to help repel Iranian attacks, according to two people familiar with the move who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive information.

On Thursday, the Iranian foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, singled out the Emirates for being “directly involved in the aggressive action against my country.”

“They participated in these attacks and may even have acted directly against us,” he said, according to Iran’s semiofficial news agency Fars.

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/05/14/worl ... e9677ea768
kmaherali
Posts: 25145
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: THE MIDDLE EAST

Post by kmaherali »

Saudi Arabia witnesses first onager birth in more than a century

The initiative aims to restore biodiversity and revive native wildlife

Image
The Prince Mohammed bin Salman Royal Reserve witnessed the first birth of an onager, one of the world's rarest wild equids, in more than 100 years, marking a milestone in efforts to restore species that disappeared from the Arabian Peninsula.

Saudi Arabia has witnessed the first birth of an onager, one of the world's rarest wild equids, on its soil in more than 100 years, marking a milestone in efforts to restore species that disappeared from the Arabian Peninsula.

The Prince Mohammed bin Salman Royal Reserve said a male onager (Equus hemionus) was born in June 2025 as part of its Arabian rewilding programme, which aims to reintroduce 23 native species to their historic habitats.

The reserve announced the birth only after the animal successfully completed its first year, a period considered critical for survival, with mortality rates among young onagers often exceeding 50 per cent.

The birth represents the return of a species that vanished from Arabia's deserts more than a century ago. The reserve said it expects two more onager births this winter, underscoring the success of ongoing breeding and conservation efforts.

According to the International Union for Conservation of Nature, fewer than 600 onagers remain in the wild, and the species was upgraded to Critically Endangered status in 2025 amid projections of a steep population decline by mid-century.

The reserve is expanding its breeding programme to strengthen genetic diversity, including the planned introduction of a female onager from Jordan later this year. The initiative forms part of Saudi Arabia's broader environmental strategy to restore biodiversity and revive native wildlife populations across the kingdom.

https://gulfnews.com/world/gulf/saudi/s ... .500560226
kmaherali
Posts: 25145
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: THE MIDDLE EAST

Post by kmaherali »

How Tehran Won the World
June 16, 2026

A group of men wave Iranian flags outside a building in Tehran.
Image
Credit...Photo illustration by Tam Stockton for The New York Times; source photograph by Vahid Salemi/Associated Press

By Azadeh Moaveni

Ms. Moaveni is a contributing Opinion writer.

On Oct. 22, 1951, Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh of Iran stood before the Liberty Bell in Philadelphia. Addressing a crowd of hundreds at Independence Hall, Mossadegh spoke admiringly of American liberty, drawing parallels between the U.S. struggle for independence and Iran’s then-continuing struggle to break free of British control over its affairs and natural resources.

“The creed of national independence is a universal one, and it is held by all peoples,” he declared in his morose, trademark whisper.

Two years later, the United States and Britain deposed the Iranian prime minister in a coup over his decision to nationalize Iranian oil and take control of the British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. As large swathes of the world embraced new national identities in the wake of colonialism, Mossadegh’s name became synonymous with the quest for independence and the fight against Western imperialism, his ouster still bitterly invoked across the global south to conjure the misadventures of American foreign policy.

Today, Iran’s defiance in the face of Western coercion has once again become a rallying cry. President Trump’s feckless war has rendered America’s targeting of Iran into a premonitory tale — a violent punishment that could befall any disorderly state. This spring, solidarity, support and indignation on behalf of Iran have reverberated across the non-Western world. Even countries that do not at all admire the Iranian regime’s treatment of its own people, or its conduct in the region, are experiencing a “Je suis Iran” moment.

This sense of outrage is due in no small part to the fact that the United States and Israel went to war against Iran as the world was again reordering itself — this time, to adapt to Mr. Trump’s transactional and predatory behavior. Small and middle powers are thinking about ways to assert their sovereignty, in some cases by reducing their dependence on the United States and cultivating trade and relations with China and other powers.

The war against Iran rapidly became an inflection point in this trajectory. Not only has Iran shown that it can control a major maritime chokepoint, squeeze the global economy and withstand aerial assault by the world’s strongest military, the conflict has also offered its leaders a new place in the emerging global realignment. From the blackest margins of the old order — isolated, sanctioned, ignored and reviled as a ruthless, repressive state — Iran has become, in the eyes of many, an example of necessary defiance, and courage.

The deposal of Mossadegh in 1953 left Iran traumatized and its people deeply wary of Washington’s designs. Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi never recovered the legitimacy he lost by cooperating with America, and doubts about his true independence coalesced into the 1979 revolution. After that, the tension between the new Islamic republic and America turned to violent enmity.

The language of political contestation between the nations transformed from the courtly phrases of the earlier Mossadegh era to the new leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s describing America as “the Great Satan, the wounded snake” and “the No. 1 enemy of the deprived and oppressed people of the world.” American rhetoric deteriorated as well. President Ronald Reagan referred to Iran’s leaders — along with the rulers of Cuba, Libya, North Korea and Nicaragua — as “misfits, Looney Tunes and squalid criminals.” By the late 2000s, John McCain and Hillary Clinton made casual, violent threats to bomb Iran normal foreign policy talk.

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Khomeini’s successor as supreme leader, kept up the same coarse, fulminating tone until his assassination in an American-Israeli airstrike on Feb. 28. Eleven days before his death, Ayatollah Khamenei, 86, called the United States “an empire that is heading toward collapse.”

When Iran’s newest group of leaders look out, they must hear this narrative echoing across the world. While China’s and Russia’s interests in the Middle East are vastly different — Beijing has extensive economic interests in the region, and disfavors high oil prices, neither of which is true for Moscow — both benefit when America overextends itself, and they have cast themselves as major powers ready to expand ties with the regional blocs that have suffered from and disapproved of the war.

When China’s president, Xi Jinping, hosted his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, in Beijing last month, the two leaders condemned “treacherous” U.S. strikes against other countries, and Mr. Xi warned against the world “regressing to the law of the jungle.” While Beijing prudently preferred to condemn the war rather than openly back Iran, it found a subtle way to express its support: In March, in a highly unusual move, the Chinese state broadcaster put out an artificial intelligence video featuring America as the villainous “White Eagle” and Iran as the hunted but proud “Persian Cat.” The video became a crossover hit on Western social platforms.

Some smaller countries have been more explicit. In March, the Malaysian Parliament observed a minute of silence over the killings of Ayatollah Khamenei, other Iranian leaders and, in an airstrike on a school in Minab, approximately 120 children. Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim sent condolences to both the regime and the Iranian people and warned of a “dangerous precedent” that would weaken the norms of the international order.

In Pakistan, the editorial pages of the leading English-language newspaper, Dawn, concluded that countries of the global south “should stand with Iran” and condemn the war because “they may be next.” Pro-Iran demonstrations erupted across the nation in March, leaving more than 20 people dead.

In Turkey, an overwhelmingly Sunni Muslim country, 93 percent of the people polled opposed the attack on Iran, and President Recep Tayyip Erdogan warned that the “senseless, unlawful” war was starting to weaken Europe.

In India, while the government of Narendra Modi has professed itself a close ally of Israel, the people, who share a historical and cultural affinity with Iran, have responded differently. Residents of New Delhi, including Hindu nationalist supporters of Mr. Modi, brought enough donations to the door of the Iranian Embassy to fund a shipment of medication. In Kashmir, farmers donated their sheep, and women donated their gold bangles and daughters’ trousseaux to an aid collection drive.

In other parts of the world, the war quickly kicked up long-simmering concerns about sovereignty. In Africa, autonomy-seeking movements are already driving politics in West Africa and the Sahel, seeking to reduce dependence on Europe’s donors and end partnerships with its militaries. Those movements now look prescient, as the closure of the Strait of Hormuz has exacted a brutal price across the continent.

The war in Iran is a “warning,” wrote Faiez Jacobs, a former South African lawmaker, arguing that wars “now arrive in households through petrol prices, electricity insecurity, bread costs and job losses.” His argument, echoed widely in the continent’s press, is that Africa must detach from “systems designed elsewhere and controlled elsewhere,” and turn to continental and BRICS cooperation on everything from payment alternatives and industrial corridors to maritime strategies.

There are exceptions, of course, especially among countries that are deeply polarized along religious lines, or those that have strong ties to Israel and the Persian Gulf states. Many governments have chosen to simply say nothing, in some cases, perhaps, out of concern over where Mr. Trump will turn his attention next.

In Cuba, people follow the conflict avidly during the short hours of the day when they have electricity, the historian Sara Kozameh told me. “For Cubans, it matters whether Iran wins, since a defeat of the United States could reduce the likelihood of an attack on Cuba,” she said. “But they also understand that Trump needs to feel like he got a win, so that he doesn’t attack Cuba to get one.”

Iran has played the role of iconoclastic challenger to an unjust world order before. In the wake of decolonization, it was the first major Middle Eastern oil-producing country to attempt the nationalization of its oil sector. When Mossadegh stopped in Egypt in 1951, 250,000 people reportedly lined the streets of Cairo, many of them chanting, “Long live the leader of anti-imperialism!”

Then came the coup. Mossadegh failed, but his audacity helped usher in a new world order. An inspired Egyptian president, Gamal Abdel Nasser, closely studied his approach and missteps, and triumphantly nationalized the Suez Canal three years after Mossadegh was overthrown.

Today there are no great crowds cheering an adversary of empire. We have, instead, an online public sphere that Iran’s propagandists have flooded with Lego videos to make its case to the world’s young people. Some people have claimed Iran is “winning the vibe war.”

It is mostly bookish elites who remember the 1950s, and the earlier round of Iran versus Empire. “Does tonight resemble last night?” asked the veteran Egyptian diplomat Walid Abdelnasser in the newspaper Al-Ahram, recalling Mossadegh’s visit to Cairo and suggesting that this time around, it would be a military attack, not a stealthy coup, that would come for Iran’s oil wealth. In fact, the governments in Washington and Tel Aviv contemplated a mini-regime change, too, with a plot to install the former president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

What unites disparate small and medium-size countries in parsing the lessons of this war is the belief that they are standing on shaky ground. They now know with certainty, if they did not know before, that their own wealth and economies can be imperiled by this new Washington, unbound by the international guardrails established last century, and will spend the years ahead repositioning themselves. The world will seek new ground to stand on, as friends and foes adjust.

Some disagree that Iran’s successful defiance of the United States will diminish America’s influence. American military defeat is, after all, nothing new: Most of America’s military interventions since World War II — Vietnam, Korea, Afghanistan, and Iraq — have ended as meandering, low-level conflicts that few would call victory. The policy expert Gideon Rose views “loose talk” about the war signaling a broader loss of U.S. power as overblown; after losing in Vietnam, he recently wrote, America rebounded and could very likely do so again.

Perhaps it is Iran’s fate to find itself again, for the second time in a century, the subject of American aggression and the rebel protagonist of the non-Western world. Its millenniums of history as a nation have made the preservation of sovereignty Iran’s all-consuming drive, regardless of who runs it.

Where, for the long meanwhile, does this disordered story leave Iranians themselves? For them, matters are far more complicated. This wave of solidarity and sympathy comes not long after the regime had lost much of its legitimacy in the eyes of its own population, only a few short weeks after it killed thousands of protesters.

The war cut short that period of mourning, despair and global condemnation. Instead, Mr. Trump and Israel appear to have shored up and consolidated the Iranian state, raising its profile as a symbol of clever defiance and softening the views of many inside the country who hated and opposed it, because they recognize that it defended them through weeks of terrifying bombardment.

The Islamic republic is not accustomed to perceiving itself as part of a larger whole, and it is far from certain how long this surge in good will last. But Iran now has a story to tell, and it has the ability to tell it.

More on Iran

Opinion | Azadeh Moaveni
We Are Finally Free From Khamenei’s Suffocating Gaze https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/04/opin ... -dead.html
March 4, 2026

Opinion | Ali Vaez
Trump Has Lost Control of Events in Iran https://www.nytimes.com/2026/04/03/opin ... ormuz.html
April 3, 2026

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/06/16/opin ... roid-share
kmaherali
Posts: 25145
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: THE MIDDLE EAST

Post by kmaherali »

Saudi Arabia’s new soil technologies offer breakthrough in desert restoration

Image
With Saudi Arabia aiming to restore 40m hectares and plant 10bn trees, sustainable solutions for soil health and ecosystem recovery are becoming vital. (Supplied)

Image
CarboSoil, an engineered biochar developed by Prof. Himanshu Mishra and his team, is designed to improve nutrient retention, reduce water loss and increase carbon sequestration in arid soils. (Supplied)

Image
With Saudi Arabia aiming to restore 40m hectares and plant 10bn trees, sustainable solutions for soil health and ecosystem recovery are becoming vital. (Supplied)

https://arab.news/vyyq4
Updated 16 June 2026 21:50
NADA HAMEED

KAUST researcher says soil innovation can restore degraded lands, cut carbon emissions

JEDDAH: As the world marks Desertification and Drought Day on June 17, global attention is focused on the future of rangelands, which cover more than half of the Earth’s land surface and support the livelihoods of around 2 billion people.

This year’s theme, “Rangelands: Recognize. Respect. Restore,” highlights the urgent need to protect and restore these ecosystems, which play a critical role in food security, biodiversity conservation, and climate resilience.

The message carries particular significance for Saudi Arabia, where ambitious plans under the Saudi Green Initiative aim to restore degraded landscapes amid some of the world’s most fragile soils.

Image
With Saudi Arabia aiming to restore 40m hectares and plant 10bn trees, sustainable solutions for soil health and ecosystem recovery are becoming vital. (Supplied)

With the Kingdom aiming to rehabilitate 40 million hectares of land and plant 10 billion trees, sustainable solutions to improve soil health and restore ecosystem function are becoming increasingly important.

In an interview with Arab News, Prof. Himanshu Mishra of KAUST, co-founder of Terraxy, said recent scientific breakthroughs are offering new reasons for optimism.

“What gives me hope is that we now understand the chemistry of why desert soils fail, and that understanding points directly to solutions,” he said.


The center highlighted Saudi Arabia’s regional leadership through the Middle East Green Initiative, which aims to plant 50 billion trees across the region. (Supplied)
Image
At KAUST, Mishra and his team identified a key obstacle to plant growth in irrigated desert environments.

“The bottleneck for plant growth in irrigated desert soils is not water alone, but nutrient retention under alkaline conditions,” he said. “That insight led us to develop CarboSoil, an engineered biochar that works with desert soil chemistry rather than against it.”

In a two-year field trial involving 580 native acacia trees, CarboSoil-treated plots achieved net carbon sequestration, while untreated plots were net carbon emitters, as emissions from irrigation and fertilizer use exceeded the carbon captured by the plants.

Image
KAUST researcher says soil innovation can restore degraded lands and cut carbon emissions. (Supplied)

“The result changed my perspective entirely,” Mishra said. “With the right soil amendment, desert greening can be carbon-negative from day one. The science is ready.”

Mishra developed the award-winning CarboSoil and SandX technologies, which convert organic waste into soil amendments that improve nutrient retention, reduce water loss, and store carbon in degraded soils. Supported by organizations including KAUST, Saudi Aramco, Neom, and King Salman Park, the technologies are now being deployed across Saudi Arabia.

CarboSoil is produced from organic waste that would otherwise decompose in landfills and release greenhouse gases, including animal manure, date palm fronds, and agricultural residues.

Image
Prof. Himanshu Mishra, KAUST & Co-Founder, Terraxy.

The biomass is converted into biochar — a highly porous and stable form of carbon — before undergoing a proprietary treatment process that adjusts its pH and nutrient composition for alkaline sandy soils.

While biochar is widely recognized as an effective soil amendment and accounts for more than 90 percent of durable carbon removal credits globally, raw biochar is often unsuitable for desert environments because it is highly alkaline and can further reduce nutrient availability in already alkaline soils.

“Our treatment process lowers the pH to near neutral and enriches the material with slow-release phosphorus and essential micronutrients,” Mishra said.

“When incorporated into sandy soils at 5 to 10 percent by volume, CarboSoil acts as a reservoir for nutrients and water, improving plant growth and yields.”

According to Mishra, the technology enables farmers to reduce fertilizer use, minimize nutrient losses through leaching, and improve crop health. Unlike peat moss or compost, whose benefits decline rapidly under Saudi Arabia’s harsh climate, CarboSoil can remain effective for centuries.

SandX complements CarboSoil by reducing evaporative water loss. The biomimetic mulch consists of sand grains coated with a nanoscale biodegradable wax layer.

“Applied as a thin one-centimeter layer on irrigated soil, it reduces evaporation by up to 80 percent, allowing more irrigation water to reach plant roots,” he said.

Mishra also challenged several common assumptions about farming in arid regions.

A widespread misconception, he said, is that water is the primary limiting factor in desert agriculture. However, two-year field trials showed that water-focused amendments such as hydrogels, superabsorbent polymers, and SandX did not significantly increase plant growth when irrigation and fertilization levels were kept constant.

In contrast, CarboSoil increased biomass by up to 68 percent, highlighting the importance of nutrient retention in alkaline soils once water is available.

Another misconception is that desert soils cannot be permanently improved. While conventional amendments such as peat moss and compost provide only temporary benefits before degrading, advanced soil technologies can enhance nutrient-holding capacity and microbial activity for generations.

The findings point to a broader shift in thinking about arid agriculture — away from simply increasing water inputs and toward improving soil function — with potentially far-reaching implications for agriculture and land restoration across the Middle East and North Africa.

Saudi Arabia generates more than 20 million tonnes of organic waste annually, including poultry manure, date palm residues, crop waste, and food waste. Much of it ends up in landfills, where it emits carbon dioxide and methane as it decomposes.

According to Mishra, every tonne of CarboSoil diverts roughly three tonnes of organic waste from landfills while locking carbon into a stable form for centuries and creating a valuable product for agriculture and landscaping.

He added that CarboSoil is commercially viable without subsidies and competitively priced compared with imported peat moss.

Unlike peat moss and compost, which require repeated applications and generate additional long-term costs, CarboSoil delivers benefits that persist for centuries, making it particularly attractive for large-scale and long-term restoration projects.

Each tonne of CarboSoil also removes approximately two tonnes of carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, creating carbon credits that can be sold to emissions-intensive sectors such as aviation and heavy industry.

Marking World Desertification and Drought Day, the Saudi National Center for Vegetation Cover Development and Combating Desertification highlighted the Kingdom’s efforts to expand vegetation cover, increase afforestation, and protect water resources to address the impacts of desertification and drought.

The center said Saudi Arabia is implementing environmental regulations, protecting forests, promoting sustainable rangeland management, and rehabilitating degraded land in line with Vision 2030 goals.

It also emphasized the importance of restoring degraded ecosystems to strengthen food and water security and support global climate action.

The center highlighted the Kingdom’s regional leadership through the Middle East Green Initiative, which aims to plant 50 billion trees across the region — equivalent to about 5 percent of the global afforestation target — and is expected to contribute to a 2.5 percent reduction in global carbon emissions.

Saudi Arabia’s efforts also include a cloud-seeding program launched in 2022 to enhance rainfall and support renewable water resources.

https://www.arabnews.com/node/2647454/saudi-arabia
kmaherali
Posts: 25145
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: THE MIDDLE EAST

Post by kmaherali »

Mass Mournings,
6 Days and 2 Countries: Iran Prepares to Bury Supreme Leader


Long-delayed funeral ceremonies for Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, killed during U.S.-Israeli strikes at the war’s outset, are set to begin Friday. For the regime, it is a critical moment to demonstrate that it has endured.

Image
People crossing a street in Tehran, overlooked by a billboard showing the slain supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, on Wednesday.Credit...Arash Khamooshi/Polaris for The New York Times


By Yeganeh Torbati
July 2, 2026
Updated 8:53 a.m. ET
There are few analogues in history for the size, scale and import of the funeral that Iran’s government is preparing to hold for its slain supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

Starting Friday in the capital Tehran, and running for nearly a week, with ceremonies planned in at least five cities across Iran and Iraq, the funeral is expected to draw tens of millions of people, government officials have said.

Perhaps more striking than the funeral’s complexity and scope is its symbolism at this moment. It comes more than four months after Mr. Khamenei was killed in February at the outset of the U.S.-Israeli war on Iran, and six months after Iran was gripped by nationwide protests calling for an end to his government.

While millions of mourners are expected to turn out next week, many Iranians remain deeply dissatisfied with what Mr. Khamenei’s reign brought to their country over nearly four decades of authoritarian rule. He oversaw brutal repression, including the imprisonment, torture and killing of dissidents, and presided over widening corruption and the increasing control of much of Iran’s wealth by its security forces.


When it became clear that he had been killed, some in Iran celebrated openly, at great risk to themselves.

Mr. Khamenei was not only Iran’s head of state. As the leader of its theocratic system, he also presented himself as an authoritative Shiite Muslim cleric, with devoted followers across Iraq, Lebanon, Pakistan and other countries with Shiite populations. And he commanded the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, an ideological military force that has backed Shiite militant groups, like Hezbollah, across the Middle East.

ImageThree people walk in front of a painted wall featuring a large black-and-white portrait and two Iranian flags. The two women wear dark head coverings.
Image
People walking by a wall with paintings of Mr. Khamenei, in Tehran on Wednesday. It is highly unusual in Muslim culture for burial to be delayed for so long after death.Credit...Arash Khamooshi/Polaris for The New York Times

Image
A large banner on a building depicts two people embracing. Script text is visible below them. A busy street with vehicles and trees is in the foreground.
Image
A poster showing the late Major Gen. Qassem Soleimani kissing Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei’s forehead in Tehran on Wednesday.Credit...Arash Khamooshi/Polaris for The New York Times

Iran’s president, Masoud Pezeshkian, urged Iranians “of every ethnicity, religion, preference, and political tendency” to attend the funeral, explicitly tying their turnout to the image the country wants to present on the world stage.

“Your widespread presence will be a decisive response to the logic of terrorism, violence, and bullying, and a clear message to the world that the Iranian nation stands united and in solidarity in defending its independence and dignity,” Mr. Pezeshkian said in a statement on Thursday.

It is highly unusual in Muslim culture for burial to be delayed for so long after death. That in itself was an indicator of the extraordinary circumstances that Iran faced after Mr. Khamenei’s death, amid weeks of heavy bombardment. Officials have denied rumors that Mr. Khamenei’s body was temporarily buried and have said that it was kept in accordance with religious requirements.

Now, Iran’s government is seeking to present the funeral as a moment of national unity and shared grief, a display of bureaucratic competence and a show of resistance against an outside enemy. The emblem of the funeral, shared by the official planning body, is Mr. Khamenei’s closed fist alongside a slogan: “We must rise.”

The ceremonies will also be an opportunity for the government to demonstrate Iran’s regional influence and transnational religious ties, with plans for large-scale mourning events in Iraq, which also has a large population of Shiite Muslims and is home to Shiite militias backed by Iran.

Image
Six people in dark clothing and head coverings sit in a row against a gray metal shutter. Many have their hands clasped or covering their faces.
Image
Mourners at a march in Tehran in April, marking the 40th day since the death of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.Credit...Arash Khamooshi/Polaris for The New York Times

The scale of the preparations “reflects the regime’s effort to turn Khamenei’s death into a carefully choreographed display of continuity rather than a moment of uncertainty,” said Saeid Golkar, a professor at the University of Tennessee at Chattanooga, who has researched Iran’s government and its security forces.

One challenge to that display of continuity is the fact that Mr. Khamenei’s successor, his son Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei, has yet to be seen in public since he was chosen as supreme leader in March. It’s still unclear whether he will appear publicly at the funeral.

The event presents an enormous logistics challenge for organizers. Tehran, is expected to come to a complete standstill, with an official holiday declared there for three days starting Saturday.

City officials have planned massive parking lots outside the capital where travelers coming from around the country can leave their cars and take buses into the city. Military barracks and schools are being used to host mourners. At a major prayer hall complex, the Grand Mosalla, where Mr. Khamenei will initially lie in state, crews are working to build platforms and build entry and exit routes for the enormous crowds expected to come and see the body.

“Mass participation is meant to project legitimacy, discipline, and popular attachment to the revolution and its leader, even if the reality of Iranian society remains far more divided and contested,” Mr. Golkar said.

The funeral ceremony, including a procession of the body through some of Tehran’s most important streets, will take place in the capital on Monday, after which another ceremony will be held for him in Qom, Iran’s center of religious learning.

Image
Heavy vehicle traffic moves along an urban road lined with green trees. City buildings and a skyline are visible in the background.
Image
A billboard showing Mr. Khamenei, on the side of a highway in Tehran, on Wednesday. City officials have planned massive parking lots outside the capital where travelers coming from around the country can leave their cars and take buses into the city.Credit...Arash Khamooshi/Polaris for The New York Times

Image
A person wearing a black head covering and sunglasses walks on a city street. Several people ride motorcycles nearby, and black banners with white text hang overhead.
Image
Banners were hung with notes for Mr. Khamenei, in Tehran on Wednesday.Credit...Arash Khamooshi/Polaris for The New York Times

On Wednesday, officials will take Mr. Khamenei’s body to Iraq, where ceremonies are planned in the cities of Karbala and Najaf, sites of pilgrimage for Shiites around the world.

“Iran will hope to reaffirm the transnational character that has defined the Islamic republic and its foreign policy,” said Afshon Ostovar, an associate professor at the Naval Postgraduate School in California, and an expert on Iranian security issues.

For the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, “this will be a way of symbolizing Iran’s regional influence and power,” Mr. Ostovar added.

And on Thursday, Mr. Khamenei’s body will be laid to rest in Mashhad, his hometown, at a shrine devoted to one of the most important figures in Shiite Islam, Imam Reza.

His burial there, Mr. Ostovar said, “will be a testament to the status he holds inside Iran’s regime and among its supporters. It won’t reflect how he was seen by the Iranian people.”

Mr. Khamenei’s predecessor, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the founder of Iran’s theocracy and leader of its 1979 revolution, was interred in a dedicated mausoleum, now a site of pilgrimage for devoted followers. By burying Mr. Khamenei in an existing shrine, albeit the most important one in Iran, the government can avoid any unflattering comparisons between the two men’s followings.

Image
Large buildings with a turquoise dome and golden minaret surround a large plaza. People walk across the ground with light and shadow stripes.
Image
Visitors at the Mausoleum of Ruhollah Khomeini in 2024.Credit...Arash Khamooshi/Polaris for The New York Times

Simply providing security and crowd control over the coming week is likely to be daunting, with officials mindful of what happened two previous times towering regime figures were laid to rest: the 1989 burial of Mr. Khomeini and the 2020 burial of Qassem Soleimani, a general in the Revolutionary Guards, who was killed by an American strike.

At Mr. Khomeini’s funeral, chaotic scenes played out as an estimated three million mourners came out to pay their respects. At one point, his body fell out of a flimsy wooden coffin and was set upon by a frenzied crowd, which had to be dispersed by soldiers firing warning shots. Eight people were trampled to death that day.

And at Mr. Soleimani’s funeral, dozens of people were killed in a stampede.

Mr. Khomeini’s death in 1989 was the end of the first chapter of the Islamic republic, and launched Mr. Khamenei’s 37-year rule.

Now, the latter’s days-long, spectacle-filled funeral, Mr. Ostovar said, “will mark the end of one period of the Islamic republic’s evolution, and the beginning of a new one.”

Farnaz Fassihi contributed reporting.

Yeganeh Torbati is the Iran correspondent for The Times.

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/07/02/worl ... e9677ea768
kmaherali
Posts: 25145
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: THE MIDDLE EAST

Post by kmaherali »

As Iran’s Patriarch Is Mourned, Glimpses of a Changing Tehran

Throughout the capital, the government is using Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s funeral to project strength at a time of great uncertainty for Iran.

Image
People in central Tehran on Saturday, below an image of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei as a younger man. Portraits of the slain leader can be seen across the capital.

By Abdi Latif DahirVisuals by Emile Ducke
Abdi Latif Dahir and Emile Ducke are the first New York Times journalists to visit Iran since the war with the U.S. and Israel, and the government’s brutal crackdown on protesters.

July 5, 2026

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran’s slain supreme leader, had seemed immovable for decades, a man whose authority had become so deeply woven into Iran’s political and religious life that imagining the country without him felt almost impossible.

Now Tehran — the capital from which he ruled, where he was killed and which had shaped his life — is the center of his final journey, filled with mourners for funeral ceremonies taking place across several days, which are part farewell, part spectacle and part turning point.

In the days leading up to the first public mourning, the city changed. First gradually, and then all at once, in the way cities often change before moments of consequence.

Families from provincial towns rolled into Tehran, joining masses who revered Ayatollah Khamenei as patriarch and guardian of the Islamic republic, an order that so many others had long opposed while suffering under its deep repression. Foreign officials, many from authoritarian nations, militia members and religious leaders flew from all over the world, reflecting both Iran’s global reach and its distance from the West.

We traveled there as well, the first visit by New York Times journalists to the country since before the United States and Israel attacked Iran in late February and the government cracked down brutally on protests that started in December. We found a country trying to project strength and stability but pervaded by uncertainty.

We arrived in Tehran, a dense city of around nine million that spreads outward in a sprawl of apartment blocks, glass towers and tree-lined boulevards, with neighborhoods that shift in character from one district to the next. Beside the pomp and circumstance, war-damaged buildings stood scarred along major roads and daily life was still shaped by water shortages and electricity blackouts. Families who lost loved ones in the crackdown were still living with grief — and hoping for justice.

ImageA city street scene with cars and motorcycles. In the foreground, a woman holds a green, white and red flag.
Image
Mourners, one waving an Iranian flag, in Enghelab Square in central Tehran on Friday.

Image
People in black pray, kneeling in rows.
Image
Mourners praying on Friday night.

Image
A woman peruses photographs and other items laid out for sale on a sidewalk at night, as a man in a chair looks on.
Image
A street vendor sold portraits of Ayatollah Khamenei and other Iranian leaders on Friday.

As more people arrived, Ayatollah Khamenei’s presence seemed to expand with them. Across major highways and narrow alleys, in small cafes and sprawling bookstores, portraits of him began to cover the city.

Some show him young, with a dark beard and a stern expression. Others portray the older man many Iranians had grown used to seeing over decades, his beard turned white with age. In some, Ayatollah Khamenei appears beside Mojtaba, his son and successor, the pairing feeling less like a portrait than the passing of one chapter into the next.

The funeral preparations unfolded with the choreography of a major state event. Security checkpoints, organized transportation, public announcements, carefully arranged ceremonial spaces.

We were granted restricted access to the funeral ceremonies by the Iranian government, which closely controlled our movements, and which required a translator and guide to accompany us. It was a quiet reminder of how closely the story itself was being choreographed, and who was permitted to tell it.

The streets, too, were managed and staged.

Along Valiasr Street, where traffic usually performs its daily ritual of impatience and frustration, movement slowed as the roads gradually surrendered to the funeral preparations. Workers built stations to feed and give water to those arriving to mourn him.

Loudspeakers sent chants and laments through the air, and praised the supreme leader who was killed at the onset of the U.S.-Israeli war against Iran.

A little farther away, at Enghelab Square, another version of Tehran moved beneath a giant mourning billboard.

Image
Motorcycles speed past a large statue of a clenched fist.
Image
Enghelab Square on Friday.

Image
Many children in patterned head coverings are seated on the ground.
Image
Schoolgirls at the Grand Mosalla, the mosque complex where the funeral is taking place.

Image
Several people are gathered at a roadside tent with green and black flags overhead.
Image
Setting up a food and beverage stand on Friday, the day before the public was allowed to view Ayatollah Khamenei’s coffin.

Young women with uncovered hair and cigarettes in hand, and men with pierced ears, crossed paths with conservative women in black chadors carrying Iranian flags and praying quietly. It was an image that seemed to contain the contradictions of Iran itself: a nation Ayatollah Khamenei had shaped for decades, and one that, in his final years, had increasingly pushed back against the boundaries of his oppressive rule.

We lingered for almost two hours at the square, where most people were unwilling to talk to us, wary of foreign media. We asked to interview a woman with blond hair, a dark blue denim skirt, full makeup and a hijab barely resting at the edge of her hair. She smiled softly and said, “I am afraid I won’t be able to say what’s in my heart.”

At the square, some people stopped to photograph the giant statue of a clenched fist. Others kept walking and driving by. Every evening, life continued beneath the preparations, ordinary rhythms folding themselves into something much larger. Street vendors calling out, motorcycles weaving between cars, tea glasses clinking in small cafes.

Beneath the banners and portraits was another Tehran, a city worn by months of pressure.

A regional war with Israel last year compounded a financial malaise exacerbated by sanctions. Those economic frustrations boiled over into mass protests beginning in late December that the authorities crushed, killing thousands. Then came the war with the United States and Israel, taking the lives of young children at school, damaging historic sites like Golestan Palace and leaving residents checking the skies and refreshing news alerts. The past months had seemed to compress multiple eras of strain into a single season.

And states — especially autocratic ones like Iran’s — often answer uncertainty with scale.

So this exhausted capital has suddenly found itself transformed into the stage for a burial spectacle of extraordinary proportions.


Image
Men in black stand in a crowd, all facing the same direction. A few are raising their fists.
Image
Mourners at the Grand Mosalla on Saturday.

Image
The interior of an ornate palace. Some fixtures are wrapped in plastic.
Image
Damage inside the historic Golestan Palace.

Image
A man in a turban and a child walk past two security guards.
Image
Walking past security at the Grand Mosalla on Saturday.

At the Grand Mosalla, a sprawling mosque complex in Tehran, tens of thousands arrived this weekend dressed almost entirely in black to pray for and pay their respects to the Shiite Muslim patriarch. They cried and wailed openly. They struck their chests and heads in ritual mourning. Some sat on the ground, weary and stunned.

“Khamenei was the foundation of our lives,” said Mohamed Soleimani, from Tehran, who sat at the mosque’s grounds, head bowed, holding a photo of Mojtaba Khamenei.

Grief also gave way to anger. Fists rose in the air. Chants of revenge filled the space — directed at Israel, at the United States and, repeatedly, at one man whose name was taken up again and again by the crowd: Donald J. Trump.

The funeral, which will continue in the coming days through Tehran, other Iranian cities and even neighboring Iraq, seems designed to do something larger than simply bury a leader.

It is an effort to project continuity at a moment when the country itself seems caught in a period of transition and uncertainty.

So Iran moves forward for now, beneath commemorative banners and enormous portraits of Ayatollah Khamenei, still trying to understand what exactly is ending — and what is taking shape in its place.

Image
A large crowd of people in a plaza, many holding red flags. A large portrait of a man with a white beard looms over the scene, which is visible through an arched doorway.
Image
At the Grand Mosalla on Saturday.

Abdi Latif Dahir is a Middle East correspondent for The Times, covering Lebanon and Syria. He is based in Beirut.

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/07/05/worl ... roid-share
kmaherali
Posts: 25145
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: THE MIDDLE EAST

Post by kmaherali »

Iran’s Supreme Leader Remains Absent, a Void at the Top of the Regime

Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei did not appear at his father’s funeral this week, fueling speculation about his physical condition and leaving a power vacuum in a divided country.

Image
A pro-government demonstration in Tehran in May, with a banner showing Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei.Credit...Arash Khamooshi/Polaris for The New York Times

By Yeganeh Torbati
July 10, 2026

Iran is grappling with a devastated economy, a restive population and the ever-present threat of a return to all-out war. And yet, there is a looming absence at the top of the government, with Iranians still waiting to see or hear directly from their supreme leader.

Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei was appointed to the role in March, days after U.S.-Israeli strikes at the outset of the war killed his father and predecessor, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, but he hasn’t been seen in public since. That has led some to wonder not only about the health of Mojtaba Khamenei, who was injured in the attack, but also whether he is really running Iran at this pivotal moment for the country.

He has offered no clear public guidance on a clash between the hard-liners who oppose any diplomacy with the United States, and the pragmatists, including Iran’s president and foreign minister, who agreed to a preliminary cease-fire deal with the United States last month.

Such fissures, while nothing new within the country’s fractured political class, are all the more urgent as Iran and the United States trade attacks and diplomacy efforts falter. They spilled into the open this week when Iran’s president, Masoud Pezeshkian, and foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, appeared to be jeered and harassed during the elder Ayatollah Khamenei’s funeral procession.

The supreme leader is entrusted with commanding Iran’s military; deciding the head of the judiciary and various key positions; declaring war and peace; and other critical leadership functions. In Iran’s blended system of theocratic and republican elements, it is the office that holds ultimate primacy.

There was some expectation that Iran and the world would get their first glimpse of the new Ayatollah Khamenei this week, during his father’s funeral. But, on Thursday, the ceremonies concluded without an appearance.

Without a strong central authority like the elder Ayatollah Khamenei, it has become even more unpredictable which faction will eventually gain the upper hand — and how the country will navigate its many crises.

//Image
//The Funeral of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei
//Iran’s new leaders are commemorating Ayatollah Khamenei, who was killed on the first day of the U.S.-Israeli war against the country.
July 4, 2026 https://www.nytimes.com/2026/07/04/worl ... menei.html

Inherent in the peace talks are fundamental questions about the fate of the country. Those include the future of Iran’s relationship with the United States; its willingness to compromise on its nuclear program in order to secure relief from sanctions; and its effort to rebuild a long-struggling economy, now battered by war, that had already led to deep popular discontent.

“There’s no central authority in effect to reconcile the various factions that are fighting for control,” said Ali Ansari, a historian of Iran at the University of St. Andrews in Scotland.

ImagePeople dressed in red and black flood the streets of a city. In the centre is a flatbed truck carrying a coffin adorned with the Iranian flag.
Image
People gather around a truck carrying the casket of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran’s late supreme leader, in Mashhad on Thursday.Credit...Arash Khamooshi/Polaris for The New York Times

It’s a drastic change from what Iranians became accustomed to over the past 37 years. Ayatollah Ali Khamenei was a constant presence in Iranian political life, giving frequent public remarks that signaled his views and served as implicit direction for the thousands of officials, security forces and politicians that run the government day-to-day.

Virtually the only hint that Iranians have had of Mojtaba Khamenei’s personality, approach or views has been in around a dozen written statements, issued under his name since mid-March, marking official holidays and in some cases, weighing in on policy. Because the public cannot see him or hear his voice, Mr. Ansari said, they cannot know what he actually thinks.

In one statement in June, Mojtaba Khamenei said that he did not agree with signing the deal in principle, but decided to allow it after promises from Mr. Pezeshkian. His statement did little to quell the intense debate within Iran over the agreement, with both sides using it for their own purposes.

One of his early statements acknowledged “long-standing economic and managerial weaknesses,” in Iran, though he left unsaid what those were, and how exactly the country might address them.

Some Iranians are hungry for Mojtaba Khamenei to be more of a presence on the political stage. Fatemeh Mohamad, who joined a mourning ceremony in downtown Tehran this week, said he owed it to the people to appear and help reinforce the message of defiance Iran is projecting to its adversaries.

“None of us are afraid of death,” she said. “Mojtaba Khamenei should show up so that we can all show the world that nothing scares us.”

Others attributed his absence to prudence, given that enemy strikes have taken out layers of Iranian leadership already. “These are bloodthirsty enemies and they can come for him even on sad days when he is mourning his father,” said Mohamad Soleimani, who attended funeral ceremonies at Tehran’s Grand Mosalla mosque.

“I would love to see him but even if he doesn’t show up, we feel his presence in our heart,” he added.

Under Ali Khamenei or his predecessor, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the supreme leader would have represented an ultimate, recognized source of authority that could settle disputes and indicate a way forward. But now, Iran’s ideological military, the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, appears to be asserting even more power than it did in the past, and there are some indications of a more collective decision-making process.

“Today, all three branches of government, the armed forces, the people, and civil society organizations have realized the dangers of division and collapse, and have accepted the finality of institutional consensus,” Hesameddin Ashena, an adviser during the presidency of Hassan Rouhani, said on social media last month.

Image
A portrait of Ali Khamenei sits on a chair on a stage, draped in a kaffiyeh scarf. Behind it is a portrait of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, Iran’s first supreme leader, hanging on blue curtains.
Image
A funeral ceremony for Iran’s late supreme leader held in the southern suburbs of Beirut, Lebanon, on Wednesday. Ayatollah Khamenei bolstered Iran’s influence abroad during his rule, especially among Shiite communities in the region.Credit...Laura Boushnak for The New York Times

The divisions that do exist do not appear to have hampered the government in a significant way, said Ray Takeyh, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations.

“People should have different opinions about these cataclysmic issues,” Mr. Takeyh said. “Differences doesn’t mean they’re paralyzed in terms of decision-making.”

Mojtaba Khamenei’s ascendance will likely necessitate an implicit redefinition of the role of supreme leader. Under Iran’s Constitution, the position wields great power, but that authority has typically been defined more by the supreme leader himself and his followers’ zeal.

The first to hold the position, Ayatollah Khomeini, enjoyed enormous authority, largely from the force of his charisma, his religious credentials and the fact that he had led the movement that unseated Iran’s monarchy. He also avoided weighing in on day-to-day decision-making, and tended to seek balance between Iran’s left and right wings. During much of his tenure, for instance, leftists held the prime minister’s office, while conservatives held the presidency.

His successor, Ali Khamenei, was initially underestimated. He had far less impressive religious credentials, and was believed to be less powerful than the president at the time, Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani.

Over time, he revealed his ambition and agenda, as he drew close to Iran’s security services and proved willing to repress even loyal factions that wanted Iran’s system to become more democratic. That was most evident when he crushed the 2009 Green Movement. Although the two men who led the movement were loyal to the Islamic Revolution, they demanded that Ayatollah Khamenei address serious allegations of election fraud.

By the time of his death, Ali Khamenei had built up his office into a bureaucratic behemoth that inserted itself across Iran’s government, enabling him to oversee the country’s military, intelligence, economy and foreign affairs.

“He has inherited the Office of the Leader, but as with his father, it will take him at least four to eight years to establish his authority and control,” said Ali Alfoneh, senior fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute, referring to Mojtaba Khamenei.

Image
A group of people in black on a street against shop shutters. One woman holds a painted portrait of the late supreme leader.
Image
The burial ceremony for Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on Imam Reza street in Mashhad, Iran, on Thursday.Credit...Arash Khamooshi/Polaris for The New York Times

Mojtaba Khamenei managed the links between his father’s office and the security services, analysts said, and his experience there, along with his religious studies under an ultra hard-line cleric, are among the biographical scraps now being used to divine his priorities and approach. In addition to inheriting his father’s bureaucracy, he also has official control over several wealthy quasi-governmental business conglomerates.

“I don’t think the supreme leader can be neutralized,” Mr. Takeyh said. “There’s so much institutional power and so much money that if the supreme leader is functional, then I think that institutional power cannot be negated by alternative centers.”

To some, the comparison with his father overlooks the fact that Mojtaba Khamenei is taking up the position with distinct disadvantages, including that he hasn’t yet been able to assert himself publicly.

“Unless he’s a character and individual of unusual strength,” Mr. Ansari, the historian, said, “I think he will probably recede.”

Abdi Latif Dahir contributed reporting.

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/07/10/worl ... roid-share
kmaherali
Posts: 25145
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: THE MIDDLE EAST

Post by kmaherali »

Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan Sign Joint Defense Pact

The agreement treats an attack on any of the countries as an attack on all, but in a region of volatile rivalries, it was unclear how it would work in practice.

Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia escorts President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey and other men in suits down a hallway, on a purple carpet.
Image
A photo released by the Turkish presidential office shows the country’s president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, being welcomed by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in Mecca, Saudi Arabia, on Friday.Credit...Murat Cetinmuhurdar/Turkish Presidential Press Office, via Reuters

Ben Hubbard
By Ben Hubbard
Reporting from Beirut, Lebanon

Aug. 7, 2026
Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan signed a new pact on Friday committing to collective defense against attacks on any of the three nations, Saudi Arabia said, in an agreement that could reshape the strategic layout of the Middle East.

The text of the agreement was not made public, making it unclear what the parties’ obligations are. But the Pakistani Foreign Ministry said in a statement that the pact “stipulates that any armed attack against any one of the three states shall be regarded as an attack against them all.”

President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey, who traveled to Saudi Arabia to sign the agreement, said in a post on social media that its implementation could include joint defense industry projects and counterterrorism operations.

The idea for a pact bringing together Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan evolved this year as wars and instability across the Middle East led many countries to explore new ways to enhance their security without relying on the United States and other Western powers.

Fueling this thinking were the U.S.-Israeli war on Iran; new attacks on Saudi Arabia that it has blamed on Iran’s allies in Yemen and Iraq; concerns about Israel’s expanding military actions; and doubts about the reliability of the United States as a defense guarantor for its Middle Eastern partners.

The pact, dubbed the Mecca Joint Defense Agreement, was signed on Friday in the holy city of Mecca in Saudi Arabia by Mr. Erdogan, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia and Pakistan’s prime minister, Shehbaz Sharif.

While Egypt participated in early discussions about such a pact, it was not mentioned as a participant on Friday.

Officials from the three countries released similar statements saying that the agreement was defensive in nature, that it was not aimed at any specific country and that other states could join.

Rayed Krimly, Saudi Arabia’s deputy minister for public diplomacy, wrote on social media that the pact would allow the three countries to integrate their defenses to deter threats.

He also said that the three Muslim-majority nations did not seek to establish a new “military axis or sectarian bloc” or set off an arms race. He said the agreement would not get in the way of the individual countries’ other international obligations.

Asfandyar Mir, a senior fellow at the Stimson Center, a Washington-based research group, said the agreement was less about NATO-style military integration than about political signaling.

“What matters is three militarily capable states, in crucial geographies, with diverse relationships, are committing to one another’s defense,” he said.

“It is not intended to replace the United States,” he added. “But it certainly reflects a judgment that U.S. commitment alone is no longer sufficient to ensure security and maintain stability.”

The new pact follows efforts by Saudi Arabia to build a maritime coalition to deter attacks in the Red Sea. Last month, the kingdom invited dozens of countries to join. At least 14, including Turkey, Egypt, Pakistan and Nigeria, affirmed their support, although it remains unclear how the coalition will function.

Saudi Arabia and Pakistan already have a mutual defense pact. That agreement, signed in September 2025, “states that any aggression against either country shall be considered an aggression against both.”

Even after Iranian attacks on Saudi Arabia, Pakistan avoided direct conflict with Iran, with which it also has close ties. In March, Pakistan’s army chief met with Saudi Arabia’s defense minister to discuss Iran’s attacks on the kingdom, and Pakistan warned Iran that it was bound by the defense agreement.

The new agreement brings together three powerful countries with different strengths whose combined territory extends into Europe and Asia.

Turkey has a large military and a growing defense industry, known for producing everything from artillery shells to advanced drones and selling them to a wide range of countries.

Pakistan, too, boasts a strong military as well as a nuclear arsenal. And Saudi Arabia’s huge oil reserves give it financial heft, alongside the geographic advantage of its long coasts on the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf.

But each country also brings its own conflicts and security problems, which its partners may hesitate to get involved with.

Turkey, a NATO member, has long-running territorial disputes with Greece in the Aegean Sea as well as an increasingly acrimonious relationship with Israel.

Since last year, Pakistan has been involved in active conflict with two of its neighbors, India and Afghanistan. It fought four days of clashes with India last May. And it declared “open war” in late February against Afghanistan, which it accuses of sponsoring attacks on Pakistan. Afghanistan denies that.

Saudi Arabia sits across the Persian Gulf from Iran, which has launched attacks on the kingdom in retaliation for U.S. and Israeli attacks. It must also deal with Houthi rebels in Yemen, who have launched attacks on Saudi shipping in the Red Sea.

On Friday, the spokesman for a Saudi-led military coalition in Yemen, Maj. Gen. Turki al-Malki, said in a statement that Houthi shelling the day before had injured 11 civilians in southern Saudi Arabia, including a Pakistani citizen.

Safak Timur contributed reporting from Istanbul and Salman Masood from Islamabad, Pakistan.

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/08/07/worl ... roid-share
Post Reply