SOUTH AMERICA

Recent history (19th-21st Century)
kmaherali
Posts: 25172
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

A Historic First for Mexico as Two Women Vie for the Presidency

Post by kmaherali »

Mexico will elect its first woman as president next year after the governing party chose Claudia Sheinbaum to square off against the opposition’s candidate, Xóchitl Gálvez.

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Claudia Sheinbaum in her office in 2020, when she served as the mayor of Mexico City.Credit...Meghan Dhaliwal for The New York Times

Mexico’s governing party chose Claudia Sheinbaum, a former mayor of Mexico City, as its candidate in next year’s presidential election on Wednesday, creating a watershed moment in the world’s largest Spanish-speaking country, with voters expected to choose for the first time between two leading candidates who are women.

“Today democracy won. Today the people of Mexico decided,” Ms. Sheinbaum said during the announcement, adding that her party, Morena, would win the 2024 election. “Tomorrow begins the electoral process,” she said. “And there is no minute to lose.”

Ms. Sheinbaum, 61, a physicist with a doctorate in environmental engineering and a protégé of Mexico’s current president, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, will face off against the opposition’s top contender, Xóchitl Gálvez, 60, an outspoken engineer with Indigenous roots who rose from poverty to become a tech entrepreneur.

“We can already say today: Mexico, by the end of next year, will be governed by a woman,” said Jesús Silva-Herzog Márquez, a political scientist at Mexico’s Monterrey Institute of Technology, adding that it was an “extraordinary change” for the country.

Ms. Sheinbaum has built her political career mostly in the shadow of Mr. López Obrador, and had emerged early on as the party’s favored pick to succeed the current president. That connection is thought to give her a crucial edge heading into next year’s election thanks to the high approval ratings enjoyed by Mr. López Obrador, who is limited by Mexico’s Constitution to one six-year term.

In recent months, Mr. López Obrador has insisted that he will hold no influence once he finishes his term. “I am going to retire completely,” he said in March. “I am not a chieftain, much less do I feel irreplaceable. I am not a strongman; I am not a messiah.”

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The president of Mexico, in a suit and tie, stands in front of a lectern, raising one hand. A flag of Mexico is behind him.
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President Andrés Manuel López Obrador is constitutionally limited to one six-year term.Credit...Alejandro Cegarra for The New York Times

But some analysts say his influence will endure regardless of which candidate wins in 2024. Should Ms. Sheinbaum win, “there may be changes to certain policies, though the broad strokes of his agenda will remain intact,” according to a recent report by the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a research institute in Washington

If she is defeated, Mr. López Obrador “will not fade quietly into the background,” the report said, citing a large base of loyal supporters allowing him to command substantial influence. Some legacies of his administration — including austerity measures or the immersion of the military into social, security and infrastructure roles — could also be obstacles for Ms. Gálvez if she seeks to roll back his policies.

As the two female candidates target weaknesses in each other’s campaigns, they share some similarities. While neither are explicitly feminist, both are socially progressive, have engineering degrees and say they will maintain broadly popular antipoverty programs.

Ms. Sheinbaum, who was born to Jewish parents in Mexico City, would become Mexico’s first Jewish president if she wins the race. She has faced a misinformation campaign on social media claiming falsely that she was born in Bulgaria, the country from which her mother emigrated; supporters of Ms. Sheinbaum have called this effort antisemitic.


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Ms. Sheinbaum standing by a balcony in a building with roman columns.
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Ms. Sheinbaum would become Mexico’s first Jewish president if she wins the race.Credit...Meghan Dhaliwal for The New York Times

She studied physics and energy engineering in Mexico before carrying out her doctoral research at California’s Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory. After entering politics, she became Mr. López Obrador’s top environmental official when he was mayor of Mexico City.

When Ms. Sheinbaum herself was elected mayor of the capital in 2018, she took on public transit and environmental issues as top priorities, but was also the target of criticism over fatal mishaps in the city’s transportation systems, including the collapse of a metro overpass in which 26 people were killed.

With polls positioning Ms. Sheinbaum as the front-runner, her ties to Mr. López Obrador required discipline to maintain his support even when she may not have agreed with his decisions. For instance, when Mr. López Obrador minimized the coronavirus pandemic and federal government officials tweaked data to avoid a lockdown in Mexico City, she remained silent.

“What has stood out is her loyalty, I think a blind loyalty, to the president,” said Mr. Silva-Herzog Márquez, the political scientist.

Still, while hewing to Mr. López Obrador’s policies, Ms. Sheinbaum has also signaled some potential changes, notably expressing support for renewable energy sources.

Drawing a contrast with her rival, Ms. Gálvez, a senator who often gets around Mexico City on an electric bicycle, has focused on her origins as the daughter of an Indigenous Otomí father and a mestiza mother.

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Xóchitl Gálvez sits in a room with a shelf holding plants behind her.
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Xóchitl Gálvez, the top opposition candidate, has Indigenous roots and rose from poverty to become a tech entrepreneur.Credit...Claudio Cruz/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Ms. Gálvez grew up in a small town about two hours from Mexico City without running water and speaking her father’s Hñähñu language. After receiving a scholarship to the National Autonomous University of Mexico, she became an engineer and founded a company that designs communications and energy networks for office buildings.

After Vicente Fox won the presidency in 2000, she was appointed as head of the presidential office for Indigenous peoples. In 2018, Ms. Gálvez was elected senator representing the conservative National Action Party.

Mr. López Obrador has repeatedly made her the focus of verbal attacks, which has had the effect of raising her profile around the country while highlighting the sway that the president and his party exert across Mexico.

A combative leader who has embraced austerity measures while doubling down on Mexico’s reliance on fossil fuels, Mr. López Obrador looms over the campaigning. He pledged to do away with a long-held political tradition whereby Mexican presidents handpicked their successors with their “big finger,” replacing the practice with nationwide voter surveys.

Historically, political parties in Mexico mostly selected their candidates in ways that were opaque and lacked much inclusion. Handpicking was more common than a “free and fair competition for a candidacy,” said Flavia Freidenberg, a political scientist at the National Autonomous University of Mexico.

The new selection process has changed that tradition, but concerns persist over a lack of clarity and other irregularities that have been denounced by some analysts and other presidential hopefuls. Both the governing party, Morena, and the broad opposition coalition, called the Broad Front for Mexico, used public opinion polls “that have not been fully transparent,” Ms. Freidenberg added, “and are not necessarily considered democratic procedures.”

The new procedures also ignored federal campaign regulations, with those at the helm of the process in both the governing party and the opposition moving the selection forward by a few months and cryptically calling Ms. Sheinbaum and Ms. Gálvez “coordinators” of each coalition instead of “candidates.”

“These irregular activities have occurred under the gaze of public opinion, the political class and the electoral authorities,” Ms. Freidenberg said. “This is not a minor issue.”

Next year’s general election, in which voters will elect not only a president but members of Congress, might also determine whether Mexico may return to a dominant-party system — similar to what the country experienced under the once-hegemonic Institutional Revolutionary Party, which held uninterrupted power for 71 years until 2000.

Despite some setbacks, there are signs this is already happening. In June, Morena’s candidate won the governor’s race in the State of Mexico, the country’s most populous state, defeating the Institutional Revolutionary Party’s candidate.

That victory brought the number of states under Morena’s control to 23 out of 32 states, up from just seven at the start of the president’s term in 2018.

The question is “whether Morena reconfigures itself into a hegemonic party like the old PRI,” said Ana Laura Magaloni, a law professor who advised Ms. Sheinbaum’s mayoral campaign. “And that depends on how much of a fight the opposition can put up.”

https://www.nytimes.com/2023/09/06/worl ... 778d3e6de3
kmaherali
Posts: 25172
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Why Are So Many Venezuelans Going to the United States?

Post by kmaherali »

Unable to build safe or stable lives in other parts of South America, many people are making the perilous journey to the United States.

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Venezuelans crossing from Mexico into the United States in May. Credit...Alejandro Cegarra for The New York Times

Hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans have arrived at the United States border in the last two years, part of a historic wave of migrants headed north amid growing global crises.

But Venezuela has been in the midst of an economic and humanitarian crisis for roughly a decade.

Why are so many people going to the United States now?

Over the last year, we’ve interviewed hundreds of Venezuelans headed to the United States. The short answer is that people are exhausted by so many years of economic struggle, and global policies meant to change the situation have failed to keep them at home.

At the same time, social media has popularized the route to the United States, while a thriving people-moving business near the start of the journey has accelerated the pace of migration — even as a United Nations tally shows a record number of people dying on their way north.

Venezuela was once among the wealthiest countries in Latin America, its economy buoyed by profits from vast oil reserves — the largest proven reserves in the world — that supported celebrated universities, a respected public health system and a flourishing middle class.

But the economy crashed in the mid-2010s amid mismanagement of the oil sector by an authoritarian government claiming socialist ideals, now led by President Nicolás Maduro. Tough sanctions imposed by the United States in 2019 have exacerbated the situation.

For years Venezuelans have been scraping by, trying to feed their children on meager salaries, watching family members die of preventable diseases, waiting for hours in line for gasoline so they can take a trip to the hospital or the market.

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William Añez, right, and his family in Necoclí, Colombia, in July. They are among many Venezuelans who have left their country for economic reasons.
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William Añez, right, and his family in Necoclí, Colombia, in July. They are among many Venezuelans who have left their country for economic reasons.Credit...Federico Rios for The New York Times

An influx of dollars in recent years has landed mostly in the pockets of the wealthy and well-connected.

The average salary for a public-school teacher or nurse is roughly $3 a month, the average salary for a private sector employee is $160 — and the monthly cost to simply feed a family of four is $372, according to the Venezuelan Finance Observatory, a nonprofit organization.

Many parents are now raising children who have only known crisis, and making herculean efforts to simply put food on the table.

“Every day I get older and I have still not secured anything for them,” said Williams Añez, 42, speaking of his five children. Mr. Añez, a former supporter of Mr. Maduro’s party, spoke from a northern Colombian town that has become a gathering point for Venezuelans headed to the United States.

Why are Venezuelans going to the United States? Why not go elsewhere?

In the early days of the crisis, millions of Venezuelans migrated to other countries in South America. Colombia, Venezuela’s neighbor, received the largest part of the exodus — more than two million people.

Colombia, with the support of the United States, offered a generous visa program meant to keep Venezuelans in South America. But wages in Colombia are very low. Mr. Añez, for example, migrated to Colombia, where he made just $5 a day cutting sugar cane.

Peru and Ecuador were other popular countries for Venezuelans seeking new homes. But both suffer similar wage issues. Ecuador is now struggling with rising drug trafficking violence and with common criminals who extort small business owners.

Unable to build safe or stable lives in South America, many Venezuelans are moving on to the United States.

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Migrants including children guarded by a soldier.
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Venezuelans waiting to cross into the United States in July.Credit...Alejandro Cegarra for The New York Times

Isn’t life improving in Venezuela?

Not really.

In the early days of the economic crisis, widespread scarcity made everyday goods difficult to find for nearly all Venezuelans. Today, food and medicine are more available, they are just too expensive for most citizens to afford.

Life in Venezuela has gotten better — for an extremely select number of people.

For everyone else, public schools have been gutted as investment has dried up, while a teacher strike over low wages has put educators in the streets and students out of the classroom.

The health care situation is dire. Public hospitals lack basic supplies and are overwhelmed. To enter a private clinic, patients are sometimes asked to pay as much as $1,000 in advance, and then a similar price for every day of care. Formerly middle class families now resort to websites like GoFundMe, forced to beg for money to treat life-threatening cancers and other conditions.

At the same time, the electricity and gasoline shortages that characterized the early days of the crisis continue because of the country’s deteriorating infrastructure.

Caracas, the capital, has suffered almost daily electricity cuts in the last year, while lines for subsidized gasoline last up to six hours. The situation beyond the capital is worse.

Alicia Anderson, 44, a nurse in a Caracas suburb, said that she makes about $5 a month at a public hospital, along with two monthly bonuses — $40 for food and $30 explained by Mr. Maduro as an effort to combat the country’s “economic war.”

She makes ends meet by caring for patients in their homes, selling food out of her house and participating in a community loan system.

Running water arrives about once a week, Ms. Anderson said, and on those days the family fills every bucket they have, to save for the future.

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A car drives past a gas flare.
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Venezuela’s economy collapsed in the mid-2010s amid mismanagement of the oil sector.Credit...Adriana Loureiro Fernandez for The New York Times

What is the journey like to the United States?

Visa requirements mean that many Venezuelans cannot simply fly.

Instead, they are taking a grueling land route from Caracas or other points of origin, moving on foot, and via bus, train and car all the way to the southern U.S. border.

One of the most dangerous legs is a jungle called the Darién Gap, which connects South and North America.

In the past, the jungle acted as a natural barrier, making northward migration difficult. But in 2021, Haitians fleeing chaos at home began to cross the forest in large numbers. Last year they were surpassed by Venezuelans.

Today, Venezuelans are the largest group crossing the Darién, according to the authorities in Panama, followed by Ecuadoreans and people from many other countries, including China, India and Afghanistan.

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Four migrants sitting in a jungle clearing, drinking water.
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Twin sisters María Valentina and María Alejandra, 14, traveled with their family through the Darién Gap last month.Credit...Federico Rios for The New York Times

How does Venezuela’s government treat people still at home?

For nearly a decade, human rights activists have documented detailed allegations of torture, forced disappearances, arbitrary detentions and sexual violence orchestrated by the state authorities.

Since 2014, the year after Mr. Maduro took power, more than 15,700 people have been detained for political reasons, according to Foro Penal, a nonprofit organization based in Caracas. At least 283 political prisoners are still in custody, the organization estimated in a March report.

For years, those held in custody say they have been treated in cruel and degrading ways, had limited access to a legal defense and often been detained with little or fabricated evidence. Rather than await justice, victims who are freed often choose to flee, increasing the U.S.-bound migration.

What role does the U.S. play in Venezuela’s demise?

The United States intensified economic sanctions on Venezuela in 2019, including a ban on oil imports, after having accused Mr. Maduro of fraud in the most recent presidential election. The goal was to force him from power.

Experts agree that sanctions hobbled the country’s oil industry. But they are split over how much the economic collapse was also caused by the corruption and mismanagement of the Venezuelan government.

“That these sanctions are still in place is a major impediment for the Venezuelan economy to be able to recover,” said Mariano de Alba, a senior adviser for International Crisis Group. “It is not the only factor.”

Francisco Rodríguez, a senior researcher at the Center for Economic and Policy Research, said he had found that sanctions and other foreign policy actions have played a central role in the country’s economic contraction since 2012 and are a major factor driving the exodus.

“If there had been no sanctions, Venezuela would still have suffered a major economic crisis,” said Mr. Rodríguez. “But by no means of the dimension of what we’ve seen.”

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Venezuela’s president on a podium giving a speech.
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President Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela at the presidential palace in Caracas, the capital, in November.Credit...Federico Rios for The New York Times

Will the situation change in Venezuela?

A presidential election is planned for next year. But many international observers are skeptical that the election will be free and fair, especially since the Maduro government has disqualified leading opposition candidates.

María Corina Machado, a former lawmaker, is currently the most popular candidate hoping to challenge Mr. Maduro in 2024. It is unclear how she will participate, though, as she is among the disqualified.

At a recent Machado campaign event in the state of Guárico, south of Caracas, a teacher named Josefina Romance stood in the audience.

With a new president, Ms. Romance said, “We are going to begin to rebuild.”

“And we will have the hope that private companies that left the country will come back,” she continued, “and that there will be sources of work — so that my children can return.”

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An outdoor market with umbrellas shielding fruits and vegetables.
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A street market in downtown Caracas in January. Many people struggle even to feed their families.Credit...Adriana Loureiro Fernandez for The New York Times

Genevieve Glatsky contributed reporting from Bogotá, Colombia, and Bianca Padró Ocasio from Lima, Peru.

https://www.nytimes.com/2023/09/24/worl ... 778d3e6de3
kmaherali
Posts: 25172
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

How to Start the New Year? Keep the Sea Goddess Happy.

Post by kmaherali »

Followers of Afro-Brazilian religions have been displaced by New Year’s revelers. But they still find ways to make their offerings to the ocean.

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Carrying offerings to the sea on Friday in Rio de Janeiro as part of an annual rite by devotees of Afro-Brazilian religions.

Each New Year’s Eve, more than two million revelers — twice as many as typically fill Times Square — dress in white and pack Copacabana Beach in Rio de Janeiro to watch a 15-minute midnight fireworks extravaganza.

The one-night hedonistic release is one of the world’s largest New Year’s celebrations and leaves Copacabana’s famed 2.4 miles of sand strewed with trash.

But it began as something far more spiritual.

In the 1950s, followers of an Afro-Brazilian religion, Umbanda, began congregating on Copacabana on New Year’s Eve to make offerings to their goddess of the sea, Iemanjá, and ask for good fortune in the year ahead.

It quickly became one of the holiest moments of the year for followers of a cluster of Afro-Brazilian religions that have roots in slavery, worship an array of deities and have long faced prejudice in Brazil.

Then, in 1987, a hotel along the Copacabana strip started a Dec. 31 fireworks show. It was a huge hit that began attracting large numbers.

ImageOn a beach crowded with people in T-shirts and shorts, a man carries a statue of a goddess in a flowing blue gown.
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Followers make offerings to their goddess of the sea, Iemanjá, and ask for good fortune in the new year.

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A woman in white stands in shallow water nudging a small blue boat carrying flowers into the waves.
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Sending a small wooden ship loaded with flowers into the sea. Devotees had to shift their ritual to Dec. 29 because of New Year’s Eve revelry on Copacabana Beach in Rio de Janeiro.

“Obviously, this was great for the hotel industry, for tourism,” said Ivanir Dos Santos, a professor of comparative history at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro.

A new New Year’s tradition was born, and the revelers adopted some old Umbanda traditions, including throwing flowers into the sea, jumping seven waves and, especially, wearing white, a symbol of peace in the religion.

But the huge party, Mr. Dos Santos said, “also then pushed the worshipers off the beach.”

Not entirely.

Mr. Dos Santos was standing on Copacabana Beach, dressed in white, with the chants of Umbanda worshipers behind him. Yet this was Dec. 29, the date when devotees of the Afro-Brazilian religions now descend on Copacabana Beach to make their annual offerings to Iemanjá (pronounced ee-mahn-JA).

Alongside beachgoers in bikinis and vendors selling beer and barbecued cheese, hundreds of worshipers were trying to make contact with one of their most important gods. Devotees believe that Iemenjá, who is often depicted with flowing hair and a billowing blue-and-white dress, is the queen of the sea and a goddess of motherhood and fertility.

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A procession of people dressed mostly in white carry decorated boats and images of Iemanjá on a beach, with high-rises in the background.
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A procession on Friday, part of festivities that help some Brazilians reconnect with their African roots.

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A woman with long dark hair and a satiny white dress dances with others on the sand under a canopy.
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People gathered under a tent for traditional dances and songs.

With temperatures exceeding 90 degrees, many gathered under a tent for traditional dances and songs around an altar of small wooden ships, loaded with flowers and fruit, that would soon be sent into the sea. Outside, they dug shallow altars in the sand, leaving candles, flowers, fruit and liquor.

“This is a tradition passed from generation to generation. From grandmother to mother to son,” said Bruna Ribeiro de Souza, 39, a schoolteacher, sitting in the sand with her mother and her toddler son. They had lit three candles and poured a glass of sparkling wine for Iemenjá. Nearby was their foot-long wooden boat, ready for its voyage.

Ms. Souza’s mother, Marilda, 69, said her own mother brought her to Copacabana to make offerings to Iemanjá in the 1950s. It was a way, she said, to reconnect with her family’s African roots.

Afro-Brazilian religions were largely created by slaves and their descendants. From about 1540 to 1850, Brazil imported more slaves than any other nation, or nearly half of the estimated 10.7 million slaves brought to the Americas, according to historians.

One of the most popular religions, Candomblé, is a direct extension of Yoruba beliefs from Africa, which also inspired Santería in Cuba. Residents of Rio created Umbanda in the 20th century, mixing the Yoruba worship of various deities with Catholicism and aspects of occultism.


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Carrying a large blue wooden boat to the beach for celebrations in Rio de Janeiro.
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Preparing to mark the year’s end by carrying a large wooden boat to the beach in Rio.

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Copacabana Beach at night, with people standing and sitting next to small fires in the sand.
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People lit shallow altars in the sand, leaving candles, flowers, fruit and liquor.

Roughly 2 percent of Brazilians, or more than four million people, identify as followers of Afro-Brazilian religions, according to a survey conducted in 2019. (About half identified as Catholic and 31 percent Evangelical.) That was an increase from the 0.3 percent who said they followed Afro-Brazilian religions in Brazil’s 2010 census, the last official figures.

The religions have given many Black Brazilians a cultural identity and connections with their ancestors. But followers have also faced persecution. Extremists in the Evangelical church have called the religions evil, attacked their followers and destroyed their places of worship.

Still, as the sun set over Copacabana Beach on Friday, groups of beachgoers cheered on the worshipers as they marched into the surf with bouquets of white flowers, bottles of sparking wine and their wooden boats. (Environmental concerns led devotees to abandon Styrofoam boats, and they no longer load on things like bottles of perfume.)

Alexander Pereira Vitoriano, a cook and Umbanda worshiper, carried one of the largest boats and waded into the waves first. As he let the boat go, a wave capsized it, a sign to the followers that Iemenjá had taken the offering.

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Waves bubble up in the foreground as a blue and white boat adorned with fruit and flowers is carried to sea by a man whose face is obscured.
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Alexander Pereira Vitoriano preparing to release his boat. Afro-Brazilian religions were largely created by slaves and their descendants. From about 1540 to 1850, Brazil imported more slaves than any other nation.

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Three female devotees in blue and white stand in the ocean holding a small statue of Iemanjá.
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Female devotees with a small Iemanjá statue. Afro-Brazilian religions have strengthened many people’s connections with their ancestors.

“She comes to take everything bad to the depths of the sacred sea, all the evil, the sickness, the envy,” he said on the shore, panting and soaked. “It’s a clean start to the new year.”

Nearby, Amanda Santos emptied a bottle of sparkling wine into the waves and wept. “It’s just gratitude,” she said. “Last year I was here and asked for a home, and this year I got my first house.”

After a few minutes, the surf became a line of flowers that had been thrown into the sea and were then spit back out. As the skies darkened and the crowd cleared, Adriana Carvalho, 53, stood with a white dove in her hands. She had bought the bird the day before to release it as an offering. She was asking Iemanjá for peace, health and clear paths for her family.

She let go of the dove, and it flittered into the sky. Then it quickly came down again, landing on the back of a woman bent over an altar in the sand. The woman, Sara Henriques, 19, was making her first offering.

The dove landed “at the moment we were asking for a good 2024, with health, prosperity and peace,” she said. “So, to me, it was a confirmation that my wish had been fulfilled.”

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A dove sits on the back of a woman in a bathing suit facing the sea.
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A dove that had been released as an offering landed Friday on Sara Henriques’s back as she was making her first offering. She took it as a good sign.

https://www.nytimes.com/2024/01/01/worl ... 778d3e6de3
kmaherali
Posts: 25172
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: SOUTH AMERICA

Post by kmaherali »

Where Anteaters and Anacondas Roam, and Ranchers Are Now Rangers

Colombia created its latest, and perhaps last, national park by befriending the traditional ranching culture that surrounds it.

The llanos region spans more than 200,000 square miles through Colombia and Venezuela. Hot winds blow over its grassy hills, and scattered forests of Mauritius palms shelter hidden streams and lagoons. For centuries this landscape, shaped by ancient rivers, has been shared by ranchers and cattle, which learned to coexist with jaguars, panthers, anacondas, electric eels and crocodiles.

In December, Colombia declared a new national park in a corner of the llanos that borders the Manacacías River. The Manacacías joins the larger Meta River; then the Orinoco River, which forms part of the border with Venezuela; and there feeds into a tributary of the Amazon. At 263 square miles, the new park, Parque Nacional Natural Serranía de Manacacías, is not Colombia’s biggest. But from a conservation perspective it is strategic, protecting a crucial link between this vast tropical savanna and the Amazon, the world’s largest rainforest.


CARIBBEAN

SEA

VENEZUELA

Medellín

Bogotá

Serranía de Manacacías

National Natural Park

COLOMBIA

BRAZIL

ECUADOR

PERU

By The New York Times

The Manacacías park is six hours from the nearest town, San Martín. To reach it, one must navigate unmarked roads across an undulating sea of green prairie grass, seldom seeing another vehicle. Cellphone signals die as the sky widens and the ubiquitous zebu cattle grow sparse.

On a ride into the nascent park in late November, just days before it was legally declared, Thomas Walschburger, the chief scientist for the Nature Conservancy in Colombia, explained why it was needed so urgently. Cattle rearing, the traditional livelihood of the region and one that was easier on its rivers and soils, was giving way to a new agricultural frontier. Fields of African oil palms, and white-trunked eucalyptus trees, were encroaching ever closer to the park’s boundaries.

The sandy, acidic, nutrient-poor soils of the llanos can support these commercial crops only when doused with fertilizers and calcium carbonate. But intensive agriculture compromises the water, and the ability to sustain life, in a key transition zone between the llanos and the Amazon. The hope is that by protecting this small puzzle piece of savanna, a whole lot more can be saved.

The park has been in the works since 2010, when the Colombian government recognized the llanos — long viewed by the public as grassy wastelands — to be a conservation priority. A rare and fortuitous alignment of science, philanthropy and a new carbon tax allowed Manacacías to take shape, slowly and carefully, over more than a decade. During that time, a whole community had to be persuaded that it was worthwhile.

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a caiman; ;

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egrets

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a giant anteater;

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the Manacacías River.

Farewell to a family ranch

Hato Palmeras, the Rey family ranch, sits close to the Manacacías River, in the southern part of the park, surrounded by a panoramic view of prairie. Founded in the early 1950s, the ranch and its 25,000 acres of natural grasslands, palm forests and wetlands have never been touched by a tractor.

On a November afternoon, Ernesto Rey, 68, prepared to drive hundreds of his cows out of the park’s limits, never to return. The ranch would soon be turned over to the Colombian government, and the farmhouse converted to a ranger station.

Colombia put up about $20 million for the park, using funds from a fossil fuel tax and environmental impact compensation payments from industry. A consortium of nonprofit groups, including the Nature Conservancy, Re:wild, the Wyss Foundation and others joined forces to help, raising more than $5 million toward the purchase of lands. Much of the seed money came from the sale of a single artwork donated by Carol Bove, an American sculptor, through a nonprofit called Art into Acres.

The World Wildlife Fund, which also supported the park’s creation, hired lawyers and topographers to manage sales of ranches like Hato Palmeras. One lawyer, Lorena Torres, had traveled to the ranch from Colombia’s capital, and was spending the night. Final payment on the Rey ranch was tied to the exodus of most of its livestock, which Ms. Torres would document.

ImageErnesto Rey dresses for a festival and someone adjusts his collar in a house near the parade start. Photos of past parades line a wall next to him.
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Ernesto Rey prepares to ride in the cuadrillas of San Martín, an equestrian spectacle evoking the Crusades and performed here annually since 1735. All his life Mr. Rey, a cattle rancher, has portrayed a Galán, or Spaniard, at the festival.

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Oscar Rey and another ranger, both wearing blue shirts with insignia of the park, stand wearing tall rubber boots on a grassy hill, pointing at something in the distance.
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Oscar Rey, nephew of Mr. Rey and a ranger with the new park, left, and Oscar Gaitán, who conducts social outreach on the park’s behalf.

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A person works over several cooking pots on a large stove in a wood hut.
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A ranch cook at Hato Palmeras prepares food on a wood-burning stove.

William Zorro, the new park’s director, had also come to see the Rey cows leave. The lawyers, park people and conservationists were not there to monitor the ranchers, Mr. Zorro insisted, but to accompany them. The atmosphere was convivial, as everyone knew one another well.

Mr. Zorro, 51, had spent more than 20 years directing different national parks in Colombia, some of them in conflict zones. As a result, his diplomatic skills were well honed. Not everyone living within the boundaries of the park was as cooperative as the Rey family; some ranchers would not vacate until they absolutely had to. Mr. Zorro tried to be as flexible as he could with them. He would give them time before he and his team began dismantling the corrals that allowed people to rear cattle here.

Another challenge Mr. Zorro faced was that people came to these lands from the surrounding community to hunt and fish, activities soon to be prohibited. “Llaneros love to hunt,” he said. “It’s something we have to work on.” He hoped to welcome tourists to the park one day, but the more immediate concern was getting the community to accept it, and its rules. For two years Mr. Zorro’s team, including a sociologist and several newly minted rangers, had promoted the park and its mission to residents of San Martín.

Of caracaras and oncillas

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Cattle being driven by cowboys in a grassy area with bright orange dawn light wafting in, carried by a mist.
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Early morning on the day of the cattle drive.

It was early afternoon; the big cattle drive would start the next day. At his long farmhouse table, Ernesto Rey ate a lunch of beef liver with his cowboys, deploying a rich vocabulary of curses at them in a gravelly voice while cutting his meat with the knife from his belt. The cowboys were laughing. “He has a noble heart,” his nephew Oscar Rey said.

Unlike his brothers, who were eager to get out of ranching, Ernesto Rey was reluctant to sell at first. His parents built this rustic farmhouse, with its long wood-burning stove, antlers used as hat hooks and mango tree where the cowboys sat playing a ukulele-like instrument called a cuatro. Save for a period in the late 1990s and early 2000s, when right-wing paramilitaries invaded the llanos and extorted landowners like him, Mr. Rey’s memories here were good ones. “How can I not still love the farm where I’ve spent my whole life?” he said.

Instead of opting for a quiet retirement in town, as his family hoped, Mr. Rey would remain a cattleman: He had rented another ranch a four-day journey away. All morning he and the cowboys had been working furiously to separate out any pregnant and nursing cows that were unlikely to make it safely to the new property. The cowboys would come back for them later.

As they drank their coffee, the smell of smoke drifted in. Not far away, prairie grass was burning. The new park hadn’t yet been signed into law, and a neighboring family had decided to burn a few acres, hoping for some fresh shoots to feed their cows before they, too, had to leave.

Dr. Walschburger, the Nature Conservancy scientist, went out to get a closer look. At the fire’s frontier, flames crackled loudly as grass turned to spaghetti strings of ash. Dr. Walschburger stepped right through them as savanna hawks and caracaras, two common birds of prey on the llanos, swooped excitedly over the smoldering pasture, hunting escaping rodents and reptiles. Maneuvering around termite mounds as tall as he was, Dr. Walschburger made his way toward a stand of Mauritius palms that had been deliberately spared the burning; whoever lit this fire knew exactly what they were doing, he said.

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A worker stands in a large metal container containing tons and tons of palm oil fruits in a palm grove.
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Harvesting oil palm fruits in San Martín. Colombia is Latin America’s largest producer of palm oil, but the expansion of commercial agriculture threatens the hydrology of the llanos.

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Thomas Walschburger runs across a burned area toward some flames in a cleared area of forest.
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Thomas Walschburger, the chief scientist for the Nature Conservancy in Colombia, surveys burning prairie near Hato Palmeras.

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The remains of a woodpecker, its bright red head and black-and-white feathers, in a patch of tall grass.
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The remains of a lineated woodpecker, a possible victim of a wild feline. Scientists wonder which plants and animals will benefit in the new park and which will suffer in an environment no longer actively cultivated.

Burning and grazing had shaped the ecosystem of the llanos for centuries. Both would soon be illegal here. The scientists and park officials weren’t sure how to think about this.

Tapirs, deer and other wild mammals liked fresh green prairie grass as much as cows did. Without burning, would the landscape grow so brushy that it would not be able to feed as many of them? Would the same large populations of migratory birds, like the flycatchers that sailed gracefully all over these open hills, continue to thrive if the tree cover increased? Which plants and animals would profit here, and which would suffer, without constant human intervention?

Dr. Walschburger pointed to a startling sight on the ground: the severed head of a woodpecker. Just a few feet away, in the mud where grasslands gave way to palm forest and shallow lakes, was the paw print of an oncilla, a cat that is smaller than a puma or jaguar. The trails of anacondas could be seen everywhere, the wet grass flattened by the snakes’ heavy bodies as they moved from lagoon to lagoon.

Domesticated pigs had also been part of this landscape since anyone could remember; they ate the fruits that the Mauritius palms dropped, while the anacondas ate their babies. Within weeks the pigs, like the rest of the farm animals within the bounds of the park, would be gone, and the whole trophic system would change.

Dr. Walschburger estimated that the park could support up to 20 pairs of jaguars. Scientists in Bogotá were hoping that captive-bred Orinoco crocodiles, a native species hunted to near-extinction in the 1940s and ’50s, could soon be reintroduced into its waterways.

“It will be interesting to see what all this looks like in five, then 10, then 20 years,” Dr. Walschburger said. For now he was just glad that Manacacías existed. Colombia had experienced an ambitious spate of national park-building in the 1970s and ’80s, but mining, big agriculture and armed groups made new ones ever harder to establish. Dr. Walschburger, along with many of his colleagues, felt that Manacacías, Colombia’s 61st national park, would most likely be its last.

Old times, new times

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Several elaborately costumed people stand in the back of a moving Jeep during a parade.
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A group of cachaceros, whose costumes are meant to evoke those of African warriors, gets ready for the cuadrillas in San Martín.

The 16th-century town of San Martín, where the park has its offices, is home to a singular cattle-centric culture, and to a staunch traditionalism.

Even the local music reflects this. Llanera songs are cowboy songs, the star instrument of which is the harp, played fast and hard. Ana Veydó, a singer and the leader of the group Cimarrón, based in San Martín, is the rare female artist testing the limits of the genre, with piercing ballads that evoke the region’s nature and history. Although Cimarrón has been nominated for a Grammy Award and performs regularly abroad, it receives few invitations at home. “We want to showcase the great diversity” of llanos culture, Ms. Veydó said. “I don’t think the institutions like that.”

Every 11th of November, on the feast day of its patron saint, San Martín erupts in a wild spectacle that has occurred almost uninterrupted since 1735. Teams of horsemen dressed as Spanish, Moorish, African and Indigenous warriors engage in mock battles with spears and lances. The costumes of the cachaceros, representing Africans, are phantasmagoric confections of old jaguar pelts, caiman skulls and peccary teeth. Each horseman inherits his role from an older male relative, making the cuadrillas, as the battles are called, the domain of just a few families.

Ernesto Rey, the cattleman, has ridden in the cuadrillas since 1970 as a Galán, or Spaniard. Since his early teens, his nephew Oscar Rey has done the same.
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Ana Veydó, leader of the musical group Cimarrón;

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a Moro, or Moor, and a Galán battle on horseback;

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Sergio Rey, one of the cachaceros, in preparation for the parade;

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and Ernesto Rey riding as a Galán.

The younger Mr. Rey, now 44, worked on the family ranch for much of his life. He was there a decade ago, when teams of biologists and geologists from Colombia’s Universidad Nacional came to conduct the meticulous surveys that would form the scientific evidence for the Manacacías park. In 2022 he greeted the country’s then-environment minister when he arrived by helicopter to see it for himself. By then the Reys had committed to selling Hato Palmeras to the government. And Oscar Rey, rather than inherit his share of it, had become a park ranger.

In many ways, he said of the llanos, “it’s like old times here.” His family ranch has always been owned and run by men; his grandfather left nothing to his daughters. But a younger generation no longer wanted to work on huge, isolated cattle ranches, he explained. They wanted to study, find jobs with oil companies or agricultural firms, or move. They sought relationships that were more like partnerships, without the strict gender roles typical of the ranches. With fair offers for their properties, and few interested heirs, most landowning families were willing to sell.

The Manacacías park, Mr. Rey said, would accelerate the cultural changes already underway. “You’re going from people coming here to hunt, to fish, to the idea of conservation,” he said. “My colleagues and I are doing environmental education workshops in schools, talking to kids. Some of our new rangers are women. What does all this mean? Right now this landscape is all about the men who own the ranches. But if you’re looking at it as a place of conservation, a place for the public, it’s not necessarily so male-dominated.”

‘We’re like pioneers here’

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Ernesto Rey on horseback leads a herd of cattle across a grassy steppe.
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Ernesto Rey and his cattle leaving the park for a rented farm a four days’ journey away.

Ernesto Rey and his cowboys awoke in their hammocks before dawn, to the percussive harps of llanera music on their phones and Jupiter visible in the sky. After a breakfast of beef bones in broth — no one seems to eat anything but beef in the llanos — they grabbed their soft-brimmed topochero hats and took off on their horses in a chorus of high-pitched hollers and whips cracking. A pink sunrise turned to yellow as Mr. Rey rode behind the herd in shirt sleeves, chasing wayward cows.

Within two hours they and 300 cows would cross a river and leave the park’s limits, but their journey to the rented farm was just starting. For three nights they would rely on the hospitality of the owners of other far-flung ranches.

The park workers and conservationists left Hato Palmeras soon afterward, headed for a northeastern sector where the new rangers were stationed.

That morning, along the improvised roads that crisscrossed the plains, wild animals were out in force. Bushy-tailed giant anteaters galloped in the dewy grass. A tamandua, or collared anteater, with prizefighter arms and curved claws that break open termite mounds, tried to ignore a car full of onlookers.

The rangers occupied an emptied-out ranch with limited electricity, no internet and no refrigerator; their fresh food was stored in foam coolers. The way it worked, a group of three rangers stayed in the house for two weeks at a time, and then returned to their base in San Martín, replaced by different colleagues. Several times a week they made the rounds of the park together on motorcycles that their boss, Mr. Zorro, borrowed for them.

They were mostly young, poorly paid, and all alone. As not even dogs can be kept in Colombia’s national parks, their sole pet was a chicken left behind by its former owners. “We’re like pioneers here,” said Alexandra Rubio, 21, who, with her colleagues, had been working in these bare-bones conditions for months. They would have to put up with the conditions a while longer, Mr. Zorro said. Once the park was officially declared and had a definite budget, things would start to improve.

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A large bird of prey, illuminated orange from early morning light, alights from a tree branch with its wings spread.
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A savanna hawk.

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A bright, orange, partly cloudy sunrise over the Serrania del Manacacias National Park.
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Sunrise on the plains.

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A close-up view of a three-toed footprint in some orange-brown mud.
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A tapir print on the shore of the Manacacías River.

Already, though, the rangers had made a difference. They had established the government’s presence in a formerly anything-goes region. Thanks to their outreach in San Martín, they had been invited in November to march in the annual parade celebrating the cuadrillas. Mr. Zorro thought that the invitation was a turning point for the park, a moment of acceptance. And on their motorcycle patrols through Manacacías, the rangers had logged some important wildlife sightings.

Gustavo Castro, one of the rangers staying on the ranch that week, had been standing at a lookout a few months earlier when he noticed something brown and furry ambling in the tall grass. “I got closer to him, maybe five or six meters, and he carried on normally,” Mr. Castro said. “I was able to get some good videos and photos.” The animal was a bush dog, a wild canine thought to be extinct in the area.

To Dr. Walschburger, the verified sighting of a bush dog was exciting. Bush dogs were more common in the Amazon, suggesting that the wilderness corridor between Manacacías and the Amazon basin was active. The bush dog’s documented use of the area could potentially result in stronger protection for that corridor, which looked, on a satellite map, like a curved finger of green extending southeast. The more data coming from the park, Dr. Walschburger said, the greater the conservation possibilities in and around it.

The llanos can be disorienting — the German explorer Alexander von Humboldt, who explored the Orinoco region in 1800, complained of their “infinite monotony” — but after months of patrols, the new rangers navigated the terrain with ease. Their phones were now full of oncillas, tapirs, great horned owls and the gleaming crowns of Mauritius palms at sunset.

Oscar Rey joined his colleagues as they stopped at a bend of the Manacacías River. The rangers frequently checked in on this sandy shoreline, as people routinely placed fishing nets across it. Mr. Rey had known it since he was a boy, when his grandfather taught him to shuffle as he walked barefoot in the water to avoid being stung by rays.

Everywhere around him were tracks made by tapirs, peccaries, capybaras and lizards. It was almost the time of year when freshwater turtles dug nests in the riverbanks, he said. Mr. Rey’s grandparents ate their eggs, of course, but future generations would not.

https://www.nytimes.com/2024/01/16/scie ... 778d3e6de3
kmaherali
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Remnants of Sprawling Ancient Cities Are Found in the Amazon

Post by kmaherali »

Archaeologists, relying on laser technology and decades of research, mapped a cluster of ancient cities in eastern Ecuador. Their findings add to evidence of dense settlements in Amazonia.

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An image generated with laser technology showing streets crisscrossing an urban area bordered by complexes of rectangular platforms in the Upano Valley in Ecuador.Credit...Antoine Dorison and Stéphen Rostain

The Amazon valley looked like so many others, with a muddy river snaking through dense forest, except that this one had earthen mounds rising at clear right angles and ditches carving long straight lines through the soil.

In this rainforest, archaeologists say, lay the bones of sprawling ancient cities: earthworks that were once roads, canals, plazas and platforms for homes where thousands of people had lived for centuries, long before Europeans ever tried to chart South America.

The cluster of interconnected cities was only recently mapped in the Upano Valley of eastern Ecuador, a research team reported this month in the journal Science, working off decades of research and laser-mapping technology that has helped to revolutionize archaeology.

With the technology, called lidar, researchers were able to pierce the forest cover and map the ground below it, documenting five major settlements and 10 secondary sites across more than 115 square miles.

Radiocarbon dating found that people lived there from around 500 B.C. to between A.D. 300 and A.D. 600, which would make the settlements some of the oldest found so far in the diverse landscapes of the Amazon.

“It’s a huge contribution to Amazonian archaeology,” said José Iriarte, an archaeologist at the University of Exeter who was not involved in the research.

This region, where the Amazon reaches the eastern slope of the Andes, had long been thought of as an area “with nothing really happening there,” he said.

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Now, he said, “we have this major, idiosyncratic cultural development.”

Stéphen Rostain, the lead researcher of the study, said he was impressed by the complexity of the cities and the amount of work needed to build them.


The “perfectly straight roads” that connected them were one sign of the cities’ sophistication, he said, adding that they would have required engineers and workers, farmers to provide food, and some sort of chairman, chief or king to lead “a specialized and stratified society.”

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Lush green scenery of the cliff edge of the Upano River in Ecuador.
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A complex of rectangular earthen platforms at the Nijiamanch site along the cliff edge of the Upano River in Ecuador.Credit...Stéphen Rostain

The original construction was done by groups from the Kilamope, and later, Upano cultures, the researchers said, adding that people of the Huapula culture lived in the area between 800 and 1200.

The team excavated artifacts, including painted pottery and jugs with the remains of traditional chicha, the corn-based drink that remains a mainstay of the Andes region today.

Though archaeologists have long known about earthworks in the area, lidar — which pierces foliage with laser pulses from airplanes and has helped find hidden Mayan sites and ancient Cambodian cities — revealed the scope of the settlements.

They eventually mapped more than 6,000 earthen platforms, connected by roads and laid across a landscape molded to control water and cultivate crops.

The researchers determined that some of the earthen mounds were residential platforms, and said in the paper that other, larger complexes might have served a “civic-ceremonial function.”

Particularly striking, archaeologists said, were the systems of roads and farming — how ancient people drained away the heavy rains along the Andes’ eastern slopes to take advantage of fertile volcanic soil.

“It really shows us that there are many more ways of living in the Amazon in the past than we used to consider in archaeology,” said Eduardo Neves, an archaeologist at the University of São Paulo who was not on the team.

He said that the research added to the growing evidence that the Amazon was “settled densely by Indigenous people for millennia, in very large settlements.”

The new paper also builds on research showing the extent to which ancient people transformed their landscapes, archaeologists said.

“This idea of a kind of pristine, untouched Amazonian landscape was definitely not the case,” said Jason Nesbitt, an archaeologist at Tulane University.

That longstanding notion, the archaeologists said, was fueled in part by how the Indigenous population was decimated by the arrival of Europeans, and by the raw materials of Amazonia. Ancient people there did not have huge quantities of stone to work with, like the monument-builders of Mesoamerica or Peru, and instead used the soil at hand.

Agricultural modifications in parts of the Amazon, said Simon Martin, an anthropologist at the Penn Museum in Philadelphia, have “long pointed to major populations there in the past.”

Amazonia remains “the one vast location where hidden archaeological wonders could yet lie,” he said.

Dr. Nesbitt added that, although it was difficult to estimate the population of an ancient settlement, the researchers’ suggestion that, at one point, as many as 30,000 people may have lived in the Upano Valley seemed reasonable.

“It’s a very exciting time to do archaeology in the Amazon because of the use of lidar,” Dr. Neves added. “Places which were already known are being restudied, and places that were not known are being mapped for the first time.”

The archaeologists expressed hope that more excavation would be done in the valley and that the work could help to answer many of the outstanding questions about the people who lived there, including their beliefs, their system of governance and what connections to other societies they may have had.

“We have a lot to learn from the human past,” Dr. Rostain said, adding the scale and complexity of the cities showed that its inhabitants were more than “hunter-gatherers lost in the rainforest looking for food.”

Dr. Neves added that continued research could help protect the Amazon from the threat of deforestation.

“Some of the destruction is based on the idea that the Amazon has never been really settled in the past, that there were never many people there, that it’s kind of up for grabs,” he said. “I think this kind of work, archaeology in general, and this kind of research, is really important because it adds to the evidence showing the Amazon wasn’t an empty place.”

https://www.nytimes.com/2024/01/23/scie ... 778d3e6de3
kmaherali
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Brazil Has a Dengue Emergency, Portending a Health Crisis for the Americas

Post by kmaherali »

Record numbers of cases of the mosquito-borne virus have been reported in the Southern Hemisphere summer, and the surge is likely to move north.

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Brazil is experiencing a massive outbreak of dengue fever, a mosquito-borne disease that can be fatal. Experts say El Niño and climate change have amplified the problem this year.Credit...Sergio Lima/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Brazil is experiencing an enormous outbreak of dengue fever, the sometimes fatal mosquito-borne disease, and public health experts say it is a harbinger of a coming surge in cases in the Americas, including Puerto Rico.

Brazil’s Health Ministry warns that it expects more than 4.2 million cases this year, outstripping the 4.1 million cases the Pan-American Health Organization recorded for all 42 countries in the region last year.

Brazil was due for a bad dengue year — numbers of cases of the virus typically rise and fall on a roughly four-year cycle — but experts say a number of factors, including El Niño and climate change, have significantly amplified the problem this year.

“The record heat in the country and the above-average rainfall since last year, even before the summer, have increased the number of mosquito breeding sites in Brazil, even in regions that had few cases of the disease,” Brazil’s health minister, Nísia Trindade, said.

Dengue case numbers have already soared in Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay in the last few months, during the Southern Hemisphere summer, and the virus will move up through the continents with the seasons.

“When we see waves in one country, we will generally see waves in other countries, that’s how interconnected we are,” said Dr. Albert Ko, an expert on dengue in Brazil and a professor of public health at Yale University.

ImageA mean wearing rubber gloves leans over to examine a plant in an area with numerous potted plant.
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A city worker drains standing water from potted plants in a street in Rio, in an effort to eliminate breeding spots for mosquitoes.Credit...Pilar Olivares/Reuters

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A health worker sprays insecticide to kill the Aedes aegypti mosquito in Brasilia.Credit...Ueslei Marcelino/Reuters

The World Health Organization has warned that dengue is rapidly becoming an urgent global health problem, with a record number of cases last year and outbreaks in places, such as France, that have historically never reported the disease.

In the United States, Dr. Gabriela Paz-Bailey, chief of the dengue branch at the division of vector-borne diseases at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, said that she expected high rates of dengue infection in Puerto Rico this year and that there would be more cases in the continental United States as well, especially in Florida, as well as in Texas, Arizona and Southern California.

Dengue is spread by Aedes aegypti, a species of mosquito that is becoming established in new regions, including warmer, wetter parts of the United States, where it had never been seen until the past few years.

Cases in the United States are still expected to be relatively few this year — in the hundreds, not millions — because of the prevalence of air-conditioning and window screens. But Dr. Paz-Bailey warned: “When you’re looking at trends in numbers of cases in the Americas, it’s scary. It’s been increasing consistently.”

Florida reported its highest number of locally acquired cases last year, 168, and California reported its first such cases.

//What to Know About Dengue Fever as Cases Spread to New Places
//Oct. 24, 2023 https://www.nytimes.com/2023/10/24/heal ... pe=Article

Three-quarters of people who are infected with dengue don’t have any symptoms at all, and among those who do, most cases will resemble only a mild flu. But some dengue infections are serious, producing headaches, vomiting, high fever and the aching joint pain that gives the disease the nickname “breakbone fever.” A bad dengue case can leave a person debilitated for weeks.

And about 5 percent of people who become sick will progress to what’s called severe dengue, which causes plasma, the protein-rich fluid component of blood, to leak out of blood vessels. Some patients may go into shock, causing organ failure.

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Mosquitoes are trapped in a wide cylinder for later lab analysis.
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Mosquitoes captured by public health agents are trapped in a container for lab analysis in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.Credit...Silvia Izquierdo/Associated Press

Severe dengue has a mortality rate of between 2 percent and 5 percent in people whose symptoms are treated with blood transfusions and intravenous fluids. When left untreated, however, the mortality rate is 15 percent.

In Brazil, state governments are setting up emergency centers to test people for dengue and treat them. The city of Rio de Janeiro declared a public health emergency over dengue on Monday, days before the start of the annual celebration of Carnaval, which brings tens of thousands of people to outdoor parties through the days and nights.

High numbers of cases are being reported in the southernmost states of Brazil, Ms. Trindade, the health minister, said, which are typically much cooler than Rio and the states in the center and the north. People in those areas will have little immunity to the disease from prior exposure.

Dengue comes in four different serotypes, which are like virus cousins. Previous infection with one offers only short-term protection against infection with another, and a person who has had one serotype of dengue in the past is at higher risk of developing severe dengue from infection with another serotype.

“Right now you have serotypes circulating in Brazil that have not circulated in 20 years,” said Dr. Ernesto Marques, an associate professor of infectious diseases and microbiology at the University of Pittsburgh.

Brazil has started an emergency campaign to immunize children in areas with the highest rates or risk of dengue transmission, using a two-dose vaccine called Qdenga that is made by the Takeda Pharmaceutical Company of Japan. Brazil bought 5.2 million doses for delivery this year, plus nine million more for delivery in 2025, and the company donated an additional 1.3 million, which effectively locks up most of the supply of Qdenga globally. A company spokeswoman said Takeda is working on a plan to increase supply, focusing on delivery to high-prevalence countries.

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A woman in a purple floral dress holds her head while a person wearing camouflage pushes her in a wheelchair near an army-green tent.
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A soldier assisting a woman with a presumed case of dengue at a military health clinic outside Brasilia, Brazil.Credit...Luis Nova/Associated Press

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A child in a red t-shirt holds someone's hand while a medical professional administers a vaccine in his other arm.
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A health worker injecting a child with a dose of dengue vaccine in Brasilia, Brazil.Credit...Andre Borges/EPA, via Shutterstock

But even so, that is enough to cover less than 10 percent of the Brazilian population over two years. The only good news about dengue in Brazil at the moment is the publication of clinical trial results for a new vaccine tested by the public health research center Instituto Butantan in São Paulo. That vaccine requires just one shot, and the trial found that it protected 80 percent of those vaccinated against developing dengue virus disease. The research center will ask the Brazilian government to approve the vaccine, and it has facilities to produce it, aiming to start delivering shots in 2025.

For this outbreak, it’s too late for vaccination to help much, and there are few other ways for the public health authorities to slow it down.

“Insecticide resistance really limits what you can do in terms of controlling the mosquito population, and insecticide resistance is widespread,” said Dr. Paz-Bailey at the C.D.C. “What you can do is ensure that people have access to clinical management and that clinicians know what to do.”

Medical centers in Brazil are setting up extra beds for people with severe dengue, hoping to prevent the kind of overwhelming of health systems that occurred during the Covid-19 pandemic and to prevent dengue deaths.

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“The old paradigm of dengue most affecting children is not the case in Brazil — you have to think about the elderly, who are very vulnerable,” Dr. Ko said. It will be important for both clinicians and the public to get the message to test for dengue at the first sign of symptoms in both children and older people, he said.

“Any educated guess was that this would be a bad year,” Dr. Marques said, “but now we know how bad. It’s going to be very, very bad.”

Lis Moriconi contributed reporting from Rio de Janeiro.

https://www.nytimes.com/2024/02/10/heal ... 778d3e6de3
kmaherali
Posts: 25172
Joined: Thu Mar 27, 2003 3:01 pm

Re: SOUTH AMERICA

Post by kmaherali »

Mysterious Pattern in a Cave Is Oldest Rock Art Found in Patagonia
About 8,200 years ago, in one of the last places settled by humans, prehistoric peoples began painting comblike designs as the climate shifted.

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In a cave full of ancient markings in Patagonia, archaeologists found some motifs appeared far earlier than others.Credit...Guadalupe Romero Villanueva

In the stark inland desert of Patagonia in Argentina, there is a remote cave decorated with nearly 900 paintings of human figures, animals and abstract designs. Until recently, archaeologists had assumed that the rock art at this site, known as Cueva Huenul 1, was created within the past few thousand years.

But in a paper published Wednesday in the journal Science Advances, archaeologists say that one of the cave’s most mysterious motifs, a comblike pattern, first appeared some 8,200 years ago, making it by far the earliest known example of rock art in one of the last places on Earth to be settled by our species. Cave artists continued to draw the same comb design in black pigment for thousands of years, an era when other human activity was virtually absent at the site. The cave art provides a rare glimpse of a culture that may have relied on this design to communicate valuable insights across generations during a period of climactic shifts.

“We got the results and we were very surprised,” said Guadalupe Romero Villanueva, an author of the study and an archaeologist at the Argentine government agency CONICET and the National Institute of Anthropology and Latin American Thought in Buenos Aires. “It was a shock, and we had to rethink some things.”

Patagonia, which spans the southern tip of South America, was not reached by humans until about 12,000 years ago. These early inhabitants thrived at Cueva Huenul 1 for generations, leaving signs of habitation.

Then, around 10,000 years ago, the area became more arid and hostile as a result of climatic shifts. The archaeological record in the cave likewise dried up for the next several thousand years, suggesting that the site was largely abandoned because of environmental pressures.

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A view of a cave in the distance along a rock wall.
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The researchers say that the marking left in the cave may have helped ancient peoples communicate as they adapted to a shifting climate.Credit...Guadalupe Romero Villanueva

The comb motifs overlap with this long period of hardship, according to Dr. Romero Villanueva and her colleagues, who identified the age of the paintings with radiocarbon dating. The team also found that the black paint was probably made with charred wood, perhaps from burned shrubs or cactuses.

“As interesting as the ages are, for us it’s more significant that they span, more or less, 3,000 years of painting basically the same motif during all this time,” said Ramiro Barberena, an author of the study and an archaeologist also at CONICET in Argentina as well as the Temuco Catholic University in Chile.

He added that this was evidence “for continuity in the transmission of information in these very small and very mobile societies.”

Though the meaning of the comb motif has been lost to time, the researchers speculate that it might have helped preserve the collective memories and oral traditions of peoples who endured this unusually hot and dry period.

The relationships between groups of ancient humans that developed and shared such rock art may have enhanced the odds of survival in this challenging environment, Dr. Barberena said.

Andrés Troncoso, an archaeologist in the department of anthropology at the University of Chile who was not involved with the research, said he agreed with that interpretation. The paper “provides a contribution to the discussion about how humans have dealt with climatic change in the past,” he said.

Though the purpose of the comb motif is likely to remain a mystery, the motif’s persistent presence in the cave opens a new window into Patagonia’s prehistoric peoples.

“You cannot help but think about these people,” Dr. Romero Villanueva said, adding: “They were at the same place, admiring the same landscape; the people living here, maybe families, were gathering here for social aspects. It’s really emotional for us.”

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kmaherali
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Re: SOUTH AMERICA

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In Latin America, Guards Don’t Control Prisons, Gangs Do

Intended to fight crime, Latin American prisons have instead become safe havens and recruitment centers for gangs, fueling a surge in violence.

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Gang members at a prison in El Salvador. Over the last two decades, prisons have become recruitment centers for Latin America’s cartels and gangs, experts say, strengthening their grip on society.Credit...Meridith Kohut for The New York Times

Ecuador’s military was sent in to seize control of the country’s prisons last month after two major gang leaders escaped and criminal groups quickly set off a nationwide revolt that paralyzed the country.

In Brazil last week, two inmates with connections to a major gang became the first to escape from one of the nation’s five maximum-security federal prisons, officials said.

Officials in Colombia have declared an emergency in its prisons after two guards were killed and several more targeted in what the government said was retaliation for its crackdown on major criminal groups.

Inside prisons across Latin America, criminal groups exercise unchallenged authority over prisoners, extracting money from them to buy protection or basic necessities, like food.

The prisons also act as a safe haven of sorts for incarcerated criminal leaders to remotely run their criminal enterprises on the outside, ordering killings, orchestrating the smuggling of drugs to the United States and Europe and directing kidnappings and extortion of local businesses.

When officials attempt to curtail the power criminal groups exercise from behind bars, their leaders often deploy members on the outside to push back.

“The principal center of gravity, the nexus of control of organized crime, lies within the prison compounds,” said Mario Pazmiño, a retired colonel and former director of intelligence for Ecuador’s Army, and an analyst on security matters.

“That’s where let’s say the management positions are, the command positions,” he added. “It is where they give the orders and dispensations for gangs to terrorize the country.”

Latin America’s prison population has exploded over the last two decades, driven by stricter crime measures like pretrial detentions, but governments across the region have not spent enough to handle the surge and instead have often relinquished control to inmates, experts on penal systems say.

Those sent to prison are often left with one choice: join a gang or face their wrath.

As a result, prisons have become crucial recruitment centers for Latin America’s largest and most violent cartels and gangs, strengthening their grip on society instead of weakening it.

Prison officials, who are underfunded, outnumbered, overwhelmed and frequently paid off, have largely given in to gang leaders in many prisons in exchange for a fragile peace.

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A soldier wearing a face mask, while holding a gun, patrols a line of inmates wearing shorts and T-shirts.
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A soldier standing guard over inmates at a prison during a press tour organized in February by the military in Guayaquil, Ecuador.Credit...Cesar Munoz/Associated Press

Criminal groups fully or partly control well over half of Mexico’s 285 prisons, according to experts, while in Brazil the government often divides up penitentiaries based on gang affiliation in a bid to avoid unrest. In Ecuador, experts say most of the country’s 36 prisons are under some degree of gang control.

“The gang is solving a problem for the government,’’ said Benjamin Lessing, a University of Chicago political science professor who studies Latin American gangs and prisons. “This gives the gang a kind of power that’s really hard to measure, but is also hard to overestimate.”

Latin America’s prison population surged by 76 percent from 2010 to 2020, according to the Inter-American Development Bank, far exceeding the region’s 10 percent population increase during the same period.

Many countries have imposed tougher law and order policies, including longer sentences and more convictions for low-level drug offenses, pushing most of the region’s penitentiaries beyond maximum capacity.

At the same time, governments have prioritized investing in their security forces as a way to clamp down on crime and flex their muscles to the public, rather than spend on prisons, which are less visible.

Brazil and Mexico, Latin America’s largest countries with the region’s biggest inmate populations, invest little on prisons: Brazil’s government spends roughly $14 per prisoner per day, while Mexico spends about $20. The United States spent about $117 per prisoner per day in 2022. Prison guards in Latin America also earn meager salaries, making them susceptible to bribes from gangs to smuggle in contraband or help high-profile detainees escape.

Federal officials in Brazil and Ecuador did not respond to requests for comment, while federal officials in Mexico declined. In general, Mexico and Brazil’s federal prisons have better financing and conditions than their state prisons.

The state of Rio de Janeiro, which runs some of Brazil’s most notorious prisons, said in a statement that it has separated inmates by their gang affiliation for decades “to ensure their physical safety,” and that the practice is allowed under Brazilian law.

Underscoring the power of prison gangs, some leaders of criminal groups live relatively comfortably behind bars, running supermarkets, cockfighting rings and nightclubs, and sometimes smuggling their families inside to live with them.

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A prison cell is decorated like a home with amenities including a plasma TV, a library, a DVD collection, a white sofa and matching white curtains.
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The Brazilian drug trafficker Jarvis Chimenes Pavao’s luxurious cell at Tacumbu prison in Asunción, Paraguay, in 2016. Credit...Norberto Duarte/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Ecuador’s prisons are a textbook example, experts say, of the problems afflicting penal systems in Latin America and how difficult they can be to address.

The riots in January erupted after Ecuador’s recently-elected president moved to tighten security in the prisons after an investigation by the attorney general showed how an imprisoned gang leader, enriched by cocaine trafficking, had corrupted judges, police officers, prison guards and even the former head of the prison system.

The president, Daniel Noboa, planned to transfer several gang leaders to a maximum-security facility, making it harder for them to operate their illicit businesses.

But those plans were leaked to gang leaders and one of them went missing from a sprawling prison compound.

A search for the leader inside the prison set off riots across the country’s jails, with dozens of inmates escaping, including the head of another powerful gang.

Gangs also ordered members to attack on the outside, experts said. They kidnapped police officers, burned cars, set off explosives and briefly seized a major television station.

Mr. Noboa responded by declaring an internal armed conflict, authorizing the military to target gangs on the streets and storm prisons. Inmates in at least one prison were stripped to their underwear and had their possessions confiscated and burned, according to the military and videos on social media.

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Soldiers and police officers knocking down a door during an anti-gang operation this month in Guayaquil, Ecuador.
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President Daniel Noboa of Ecuador authorized the military to target gangs on the street, after gangs set of riots in prisons and launched attacks outside the prisons.Credit...John Moore/Getty Images

The scenes were reminiscent of some in El Salvador, where President Nayib Bukele declared a state of emergency in 2022 to tackle gang violence. About 75,000 people have been jailed, many without due process, according to human rights groups.

Two percent of Salvadorans are incarcerated, the highest proportion of any country in the world, according to the World Prison Brief, a database compiled by Birkbeck, University of London.

Mr. Bukele’s tactics have decimated the Central American country’s street gangs, reversed years of horrific violence and helped propel him to a second term.

But experts say thousands of innocent people have been incarcerated.

“What consequences does this have?” said Carlos Ponce, an expert on El Salvador and an assistant professor at the University of the Fraser Valley in Canada. “This will scar them and their families for life.”

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Protesters standing near a fence hold signs.
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A protest last month to demand the release of relatives detained during the state of emergency in San Salvador, El Salvador.Credit...Fred Ramos for The New York Times

The frequent use of pretrial detentions across the region to combat crime has left many people languishing in jail for months and even years waiting to be tried, human rights groups say. The practice has fallen particularly hard on the poorest, who cannot afford lawyers and face a tortoise-like judicial system with cases backed up for years.

In the first seven months of El Salvador’s state of emergency, 84 percent of all those arrested were in pretrial detention and nearly half of Mexico’s prison population is still waiting trial.

“Prisons can be defined as exploitation centers for poor people,” said Elena Azaola, a scholar in Mexico who has studied the country’s prison system for 30 years.

“Some have been imprisoned for 10 or 20 years without trial,’’ she added. “Many go out worse than when they came in.”

In fact, prisons in some Latin American countries are to some extent a revolving door.

About 40 percent of prisoners in Brazil, Argentina, Mexico, and Chile are released only to be incarcerated again. While the recidivism rate is much higher in the United States, in Latin America many people locked up for minor, sometimes nonviolent offenses go on to commit more serious crimes, experts say, largely because petty criminals share prison cells with more serious offenders.

Both of Brazil’s largest gangs — the Red Command and the First Capital Command — actually began in prisons, which remain their centers of power.

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A crowd of men in white shirts and blue shorts stand in a yard bordered by a tall cement wall topped with barb-wire in places.
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Prisoners during a riot at the Alcacuz Penitentiary Center in Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil, in 2017.Credit...Andressa Anholete/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Jefferson Quirino, a former gang member who completed five separate detentions in Rio’s prisons, said gangs controlled every prison he was in. In some, inmates often focused on running gang business outside the prison using the numerous cellphones they sneaked in, often with the help of guards who were bought off.

The gangs have such sway in Brazil’s prisons, where the authorities themselves often divide prisons by gang affiliation, that officials force new prisoners to pick a side, to limit violence.

“The first question they ask you is: ‘What gang do you belong to?’” said Mr. Quirino, who runs a program that helps keep poor children out of gangs. “In other words, they need to understand where to place you within the system, because otherwise you’ll die.”

That has helped criminal groups grow their ranks.

“Jail functions as a space for labor recruitment,” said Jacqueline Muniz, a former security chief for Rio de Janeiro.

“And for building loyalty among your criminal work force.”

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kmaherali
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Re: SOUTH AMERICA

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Why Some Colombians Call Their Mothers ‘Your Mercy’

Two centuries after independence from Spain, many Colombians still use “sumercé,” meaning “your mercy” as an everyday address.

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A souvenir that reads “sumercé” or “your mercy.” In parts of Colombia the term has come to signify respect and affection.

After Altair Jaspe moved from Venezuela to the Colombian capital, Bogotá, she was taken aback by the way she was addressed when she walked into any shop, cafe or doctor’s office.

In a city that was once part of the Spanish empire, she was no longer “señora,” as she would have been called in Caracas, or perhaps, in her younger years, “muchacha” or “chama.” (Venezuelan terms for “girl” or “young woman.”)

Instead, all around her, she was awarded an honorific that felt more fitting for a woman in cape and crown: Your mercy.

Would your mercy like a coffee?

Will your mercy be taking the appointment at 3 p.m.?

Excuse me, your mercy, people told her as they passed in a doorway or elevator.

“It brought me to the colonial era, automatically,” said Ms. Jaspe, 63, a retired logistics manager, expressing her initial discomfort with the phrase. “To horses and carts,” she went on, “maybe even to slavery.”

“But after living it,” she went on, “I understood.”

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A man and a woman facing the camera with their arms around each other.
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Altair Jaspe and her husband, Frank Lares, in the Usaquen neighborhood in Bogotá. After moving to Bogotá from Venezuela, Ms. Jaspe said she was taken aback at how often people addressed her using “sumercé.’’

In most of the Spanish-speaking world, the principal ways to say “you” are the casual “tú,” and the formal “usted.” But in Colombia there is another “you” — “su merced,” meaning, “your mercy,” “your grace” or even “your worship,” and now contracted to the more economical “sumercé.”

(In some parts of the Spanish-speaking world there is yet a different “you” employed — the hyper casual “vos.”)

In Bogotá, a city of eight million people nestled in the Andes Mountains, “sumercé” is ubiquitous, deployed not just by taxi drivers and shopkeepers to attend to clients (how can I help your mercy?), but also by children to refer to parents, parents to refer to children, and (sometimes with tender irony) even by husbands, wives and lovers to refer to each other (“would your mercy pass the salt?” or “your mercy, what do you think, should I wear these pants today?”).

It is used by the young and old, by urbanites and rural transplants, by Bogotá’s most recent past mayor (“trabaje juiciosa, sumercé!” she was once caught on camera yelling at a street vendor, “get to work, your mercy!”), and even by the front woman for one of the country’s best-known rock bands, Andrea Echeverri of Aterciopelados.

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A portrait of a woman with the shadow of a window falling over her face.
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Andrea Echeverri, the front woman for one of Colombia’s best known rock bands, Aterciopelados, said sumercé “is affectionate, but also respectful.”
The Spanish founded Bogotá in 1538 after a brutal conquest of the Indigenous Muisca people, and the city soon became a center of colonial power.

“Sumercé” is indeed a relic of that era, and scholars have documented its use as a sign of courtesy in institutional relationships (a letter from the governor of Cuba to the conquistador Hernán Cortés in 1518); a sign of respect in families (one brother-in-law to another in 1574); and, in particular, as a sign of servitude from slaves or servants to their masters.

But modern-day advocates of “sumercé” say that its current popularity lies in the fact that it has lost that hierarchical edge, and today signifies respect and affection, not reverence or a distinction of social class.

Ms. Jaspe said she eventually came to see “sumercé” as a casual term of endearment, as in “sumercé, qué bonito le queda ese sombrero.” (“Your mercy, how lovely that hat looks on you.”)

After Colombia gained its independence from the Spanish in the early 1800s, “sumercé” hung on in the department of Boyacá, a lush agricultural region in central Colombia, just north of Bogotá.

Jorge Velosa, a singer-songwriter and famous voice of Boyacá (he once played Madison Square Garden in the region’s traditional wool poncho, known as a ruana) recalled that in his childhood home “sumercé” was how he and his siblings referred to their mother, and their mother to referred to them.

“Sumercé,” he said, was a sort of middle ground between the stiff “usted” — used only in his house as a preamble to a scolding — and the almost overly casual “tú.”

Eventually, “sumercé” migrated south along with many Boyacenses, to Bogotá, becoming as much a part of the lexicon of central Colombia as “bacano” (cool), “chévere” (also cool), “parce” (friend), “paila” (difficult), “qué pena” (sorry) and “dar papaya.” (Literally, “give papaya,” but more figuratively, “act oblivious.” As in: “Your mercy, don’t act oblivious in the street, you’ll get robbed!”).

For the most part “your mercy” has remained a feature of central Colombia, and is rarely used on the country’s coasts, where “tú” is more common, or in cities like Cali (“vos”) and Medellín (“tu,” “usted” and sometimes “vos.”)

But in the capital and its surroundings, “sumercé” is emblazoned on hats, pins and T-shirts and incorporated into the names of restaurants and markets. It is the title of a new documentary about Colombian environmental activists. And it is celebrated in songs, podcasts and Colombian Spanish lessons across Spotify and YouTube.

“At this point it marks no social class,” said Andrea Rendón, 40, of Bogotá. “We are all sumercé.”

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A woman in a red hat standing on a balcony above the street.
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Andrea Rendón, who sells uniforms for a living, in downtown Bogotá, says, “We are all sumercé.”

A recently released music video, “Sumercé,” by the rapper Wikama Mc, embodies the folk-cool status the phrase has achieved.

In a house party scene that could be set almost anywhere in the Colombian Andes, the artist sports a ruana while celebrating the “Colombian flow” of the female object of his affection, who he brags “dances carranga” — folk music popularized by Mr. Velosa — and also reggaeton, modern party beats popularized by international megacelebrities like J. Balvin.

“Talk to me straight, sumercé,” he raps, before offering his girlfriend a cordial tip of his traditional felt hat.

The song has attracted more than 18,000 views since it was uploaded to YouTube in December. Impressive, considering the artist has 500 followers on the platform.

Video: https://youtu.be/GRYzmKETj3w

Ms. Echeverri, the rock star, linked her use of the phrase to a punk aesthetic, which seeks a “horizontal” relationship with everyday people. (In a recent video interview she used it to draw the program’s host closer, speaking of a remake of one of “those songs that maybe your mercy has heard so many times.”)

Sumercé, she explained in a separate interview, “is affectionate, but also respectful.”

Not everyone sees it that way, of course. Carolina Sanín, a well-known writer, has criticized those who argue that “sumercé” is so ubiquitous in Colombia that it should be embraced, uncritically, as a cultural norm.

Even in a region known for its pronounced inequality, Colombia’s class divisions remain particularly entrenched. It takes the average poor Colombian 11 generations to reach the national median income, according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, two more than in Brazil, three more than in Chile and five more than in Argentina.

Decades of violence have reinforced these barriers, allowing a small group to amass capital and territory. To some, “sumercé” can feel like a perpetuation or even a celebration of these hierarchical relationships.

“Not paying into the social system and accumulating land have also been referred to as ‘our custom,’” Ms. Sanín wrote on Twitter.

“Words are important,” she continued. “With words, paths to justice are forged.”

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A busy plaza in Bogotá.
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Bogotá’s central plaza, where one is likely to be greeted by vendors as “your mercy.”

A linguist in Bogotá, Javier Guerrero-Rivera, recently surveyed 40 Colombian university students, and found that 85 percent said they were not bothered by the term, and felt a sense of respect and tenderness when it was directed at them. Another 10 percent felt indifferent toward the phrase. Just 5 percent said the term was dismissive or made them uncomfortable.

Juan Manuel Espinosa, deputy director of the Caro and Cuervo Institute, which is dedicated to studying the particularities of Colombian Spanish, said that he believed the social division described by people like Ms. Sanín was precisely what attracted many Colombians to the word.

“‘Sumercé’ is a way to create a connection in a very fragmented society,” he said.

Jhowani Hernández, 42, who operates office cleaning machines, described using “your mercy” with his wife, Beatriz Méndez, 50, a housekeeper, “cuando me saca la piedra” (Colombian for “when she makes me angry”) but mostly “para dar cariño" (“to show affection”).

Still, Daniel Sánchez, 31, a documentary filmmaker in Bogotá, said that he had moved away from using “sumercé,” after he began thinking about “the whole background of the phrase,” meaning “that servile and colonialist thing that is not so cool.”

Now, when he wants to convey respect and affection, he employs a different, less fraught Colombianism: “Veci,” meaning simply “neighbor.” As in: “Veci, don’t give papaya in the street, you’ll get robbed.”

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A man sitting on a park bench.
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Daniel Sánchez said that he had moved away from using “sumercé.”
Simón Posada contributed reporting from Bogotá.

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kmaherali
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Re: SOUTH AMERICA

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A Country Awash in Violence Backs Its Leader’s Hard-Line Stance

Voters in Ecuador gave their new president, Daniel Noboa, who deployed the military to fight gangs in January, even more powers.

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Daniel Noboa, Ecuador’s new president, declared an “internal armed conflict” in January and ordered the military to “neutralize” drug-trafficking gangs. Credit...Karen Toro/Reuters

Ecuadoreans voted on Sunday to give their new president more powers to combat the country’s plague of drug-related gang violence, officials said, supporting his hard-line stance on security and offering an early glimpse of how he might fare in his bid for re-election next year.

President Daniel Noboa, the 36-year-old heir to a banana empire, took office in November after an election season focused on the violence, which has surged to levels not seen in decades. In January, he declared an “internal armed conflict” and ordered the military to “neutralize” the country’s gangs. The move allowed soldiers to patrol the streets and Ecuador’s prisons, many of which have come under gang control.

In a referendum on Sunday, Ecuadoreans voted to enshrine the increased military presence into law and to lengthen prison sentences for certain offenses linked to organized crime, among other security measures. With about 20 percent of the votes counted on Sunday night, Ecuador’s electoral authority declared that the trend toward approval of the security measures was “irreversible,” though voters rejected other proposals on the ballot.

Mr. Noboa claimed victory on social media. “I apologize for jumping the gun on a triumph that I cannot help but celebrate,” he wrote on X.

A flood of violence from international criminal groups and local gangs has turned Ecuador, a country of 17 million, into a key player in the global drug trade. Tens of thousands of Ecuadoreans have fled to the U.S.-Mexico border.

Experts saw the results of the voting Sunday as an indicator of how strongly the public supported Mr. Noboa’s stance on crime. “What is clear is that the people are saying ‘yes’ to the security model,” said an Ecuadorean political analyst, Caroline Ávila. She said the voters also had “high expectations” that the crime problem “will be solved.”

Mr. Noboa, who is expected to seek a second term in February, has high approval ratings, though they have slipped lately. He became president after his predecessor, Guillermo Lasso, facing impeachment proceedings over embezzlement accusations, called for early elections; Mr. Noboa is in office until May 2025, the remainder of Mr. Lasso’s term.

Some human rights groups have criticized Mr. Noboa’s anticrime tactics as going too far, saying they have led to abuses in prisons and in the streets. Still, most Ecuadoreans seem willing to accept Mr. Noboa’s strategy if they think it makes them safer, analysts said.

“Noboa is now one of the most popular presidents in the region,” said Glaeldys González, who researches Ecuador for the International Crisis Group. “He is taking advantage of those levels of popularity that he currently has to catapult himself to the presidential elections.”

He deployed the military against the gangs in response to a turning point in Ecuador’s long-running security crisis: Gangs attacked the large coastal city of Guayaquil after the authorities moved to take charge of Ecuador’s prisons.

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Ecuadorean soldiers and police officers knocking down a door. One person is wielding a sledgehammer.
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Mr. Noboa authorized the military to patrol the streets and take control of prisons after gangs set off riots and attacked the city of Guayaquil, Ecuador.Credit...John Moore/Getty Images

Mr. Noboa’s deployment of the military was followed by a decline in violence and a precarious sense of safety, but the stability did not last. Over the Easter holiday this month, there were 137 murders in Ecuador, and kidnappings and extortion have been increasing.

Two weeks ago, Mr. Noboa took the extraordinary step of arresting an Ecuadorean politician who had taken refuge at the Mexican Embassy in Quito, in what experts called a violation of an international treaty on the sanctity of diplomatic posts. The move, which drew condemnation across the region, sent a message in line with Mr. Noboa’s heavy-handed approach to violence and graft.

Mr. Noboa said he had sent police officers into the embassy to arrest Jorge Glas, a former vice president who had been convicted of corruption, because Mexico had abused the immunities and privileges granted to the diplomatic mission. Mr. Noboa said Mr. Glas was not entitled to protection because he was a convicted criminal.

Taken together, the raid and the deployment of the military were meant to show that Mr. Noboa is tough on crime and impunity, political analysts say. Though polls show that Mr. Noboa’s approval rating has fallen in recent months, it remains high, at 67 percent.

Voter turnout on Sunday was 72 percent, according to the country’s electoral authority. Analysts considered that low, in a country where voting is mandatory and turnout usually exceeds 80 percent.

Just as voters were heading to the polls, they received another reminder of the surge in violence, as the authorities announced that the head of a prison in Manabí, a coastal province that has become a hub for transnational crime, had been killed.

Some proposals from Mr. Noboa’s government that were unrelated to security were voted down on Sunday. Ecuadoreans voted against one that would have legalized hourly employment contracts, which are currently prohibited. Labor unions say employers could use them to undermine workers’ rights and essentially pay lower salaries than the law requires. A proposal that would have allowed international arbitration of commercial disputes was also voted down.

But analysts said the overall result yielded a robust mandate for Mr. Noboa. Ms. González said it would “help the government argue that it needs more time in power to continue with these changes and these reforms in its general fight against organized crime.”

The results of the referendum are binding, and the national assembly has 60 days to pass them into law.

Some analysts said the referendum results had more to do with Mr. Noboa’s popularity than with whether the security measures were likely to be effective.

“We do not vote for the question; rather, we vote for who asked the question,” said Fernando Carrión, who studies violence and drug trafficking at the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences, a regional research and analysis group.

He added that measures like increasing prison sentences were likely to exacerbate the problems of overcrowding and violence in prisons.

Despite the tumultuous few weeks that preceded the voting, some voters said they were undeterred.

“I am going to vote ‘yes’ in this referendum because I am convinced that it is the only way for Ecuador to have a change, and we can all have a better future,” said Susana Chejín, 62, a resident of the southern city of Loja.

“He is making good changes for the country, to fight crime and drug trafficking,” she said of Mr. Noboa.

Others said they thought the questions on the referendum were not enough to address the country’s insecurity.

“We are still in the vicious circle of focusing on the symptoms and not on the causes,” said Juan Diego Del Pozo, 31, a photographer in Quito. “No question aims to solve structural problems, such as inequality. My vote will be a resounding ‘no’ on every question.”

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