FORMS OF GOVERNANCE

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kmaherali
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Re: FORMS OF GOVERNANCE

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Trump Is Winning the Race to the Bottom

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Aleksey Kondratyev for The New York Times

David Brooks
By David Brooks

Opinion Columnist

Confidence. Some people have more of it and some people have less. Confident people have what psychologists call a strong internal locus of control. They believe they have the resources to control their own destiny. They have a bias toward action. They venture into the future.

When it comes to confidence, some nations have it and some don’t. Some nations once had it but then lost it. Last week on his blog, “Marginal Revolution,” Alex Tabarrok, a George Mason economist, asked us to compare America’s behavior during Cold War I (against the Soviet Union) with America’s behavior during Cold War II (against China). I look at that difference and I see a stark contrast — between a nation back in the 1950s that possessed an assumed self-confidence versus a nation today that is even more powerful but has had its easy self-confidence stripped away.

In the 1950s, American intelligence suggested that the Soviet Union was leapfrogging U.S. capabilities across a range of military technologies. Then on Oct. 4, 1957, the Soviet Union launched the first satellite, Sputnik, into space.

Americans were shocked but responded with confidence. Within a year the United States had created NASA and A.R.P.A. (later DARPA), the research agency that among other things helped create the internet. In 1958, Dwight Eisenhower signed the National Defense Education Act, one of the most important education reforms of the 20th century, which improved training, especially in math, science and foreign languages. The National Science Foundation budget tripled. The Department of Defense vastly increased spending on research and development. Within a few years total research and development spending across many agencies zoomed up to nearly 12 percent of the entire federal budget. (It’s about 3 percent today.)

America’s leaders understood that a superpower rivalry is as much an intellectual contest as a military and economic one. It’s who can out-innovate whom. So they fought the Soviet threat with education, with the goal of maximizing talent on our side.

“One reason the U.S. economy had such a good Cold War was that the American university had an ever better one,” the historian Hal Brands writes in his book “The Twilight Struggle.” Federal support for academic research rose to $1.45 billion in 1970 from $254 million in 1958. Earlier in that century, American universities lagged behind their “best” European peers, Brands observes; by the end of the Cold War, they dominated the globe.

Today we are in a second Cold War. For the first couple of decades it wasn’t clear whether China was a rival or a friend, but now it’s pretty clear that China is more a rival than a friend. As the scholar Robert D. Atkinson argued in The Times this year, for the Chinese regime, the desire to make money is secondary. “Its primary goal is to damage America’s economy and pave the way for China to become the world’s pre-eminent power,” he wrote.

China is a country that, according a 2024 House committee inquiry, was directly subsidizing the manufacture and export of fentanyl materials, even though drug overdose is the leading cause of death among Americans 18 to 44.

Since the beginning of the 21st century, China has moved — confidently — to seize the future, especially in the realm of innovation and ideas. China’s total research and development funding has grown 16-fold since 2000. Now China is surging ahead of the United States in a range of academic spheres. In 2003, Chinese scholars produced very few broadly cited research papers. Now they produce more “high impact” research papers than Americans do, and according to The Economist, they absolutely dominate research in the following fields: materials science, chemistry, engineering, computer science, the environment and ecology, agricultural science, physics and math.

These achievements of course lead directly to China’s advantages across a range of high-tech industries. It’s not just high-tech manufacturing of things like electric vehicles, drones and solar panels. It’s high-tech everything. In the years between 2003 and 2007, according to a study by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, the United States led the way in 60 of 64 frontier technologies — stretching across sectors such as defense, space, energy, the environment, computing and biotech. By the period between 2019 and 2023, the Chinese led among 57 of those 64 key technologies, while the United States led in only seven.

The Chinese gains in biotech are startling. In 2015 Chinese drugmakers accounted for just under 6 percent of the innovative drugs under development in the world. Ten years later, Chinese drugmakers are nearly at parity with American ones.

Then along came A.I. Americans overall are fearful about it. Last year, the polling organization Ipsos asked people from 32 countries if they were excited for the A.I. future or nervous about it. Americans are among the most nervous people in the world. The countries most excited by the prospect of that future? China, South Korea, Indonesia and Thailand. The fact is that nobody knows what the A.I. future holds; people’s projections about it mostly reflect their emotional states. Americans used to be the youthful optimists of the globe. Not right now.

Still, America has its big tech companies filled with bright young things charging into the future, so you’d think our lead would be secure. But over the past year, Chinese firms like Alibaba, ByteDance and Tencent have produced A.I. models whose quality is nearly equal to that of American models. DeepSeek has produced a model that comes in at a fraction of the cost of American ones. In A.I., as in military and economic might generally, the United States retains a lead, but China has a lot of momentum.

The A.I. race is perhaps the most crucial one, because it will presumably be the dominant technology of the next several decades. “The No. 1 factor that will define whether the U.S. or China wins this race is whose technology is most broadly adopted in the rest of the world,” Microsoft’s president, Brad Smith, told a congressional hearing. “Whoever gets there first will be difficult to supplant.”

So how is America responding to the greatest challenge of Cold War II? With huge increases in research? By infusing money into schools and universities that train young minds and produce new ideas? We’re doing the exact opposite. Today’s leaders don’t seem to understand what the Chinese clearly understand — that the future will be dominated by the country that makes the most of its talent. On his blog, Tabarrok gets it about right: “The DeepSeek Moment has been met not with resolve and competition but with anxiety and retreat.”

Populists are anti-intellectual. President Trump isn’t pumping research money into the universities; he’s draining it out. The administration is not tripling the National Science Foundation’s budget; it’s trying to gut it. The administration is trying to cut all federal basic research funding by a third, according to the American Association for the Advancement of Science. A survey by the journal Nature of 1,600 scientists in the United States found that three-quarters of them have considered leaving the country.

The response to the Sputnik threat was to go outward and compete. Trump’s response to the Chinese threat generally is to build walls, to erect trade barriers and to turn inward. A normal country would be strengthening friendships with all nations not named China, but the United States is burning bridges in all directions. A normal country would be trying to restore America’s shipbuilding industry by making it the best in the world. We’re trying to save it through protectionism. The thinking seems to be: We can protect our mediocre industries by walling ourselves off from the world. That’s a recipe for national decline.

The problem is not just Trump. China has been displaying intellectual and innovative vitality for decades and the United States has scarcely mobilized. This country sometimes feels exhausted, gridlocked, as if it has lost its faith in itself and contact with its future.

In the progressive era, America built new institutions like the Food and Drug Administration and the Federal Reserve. During the New Deal, Americans created an alphabet soup of new agencies. By 1949, Americans had created NATO and the precursor to the World Bank. Where are the new institutions fit for today? Government itself is not great at innovation, but for a century, public sector money has been necessary to fuel the fires of creativity — in the United States, in Israel and in China. On that front, America is in retreat.

Can confidence be restored? Of course. Franklin Roosevelt did it and Ronald Reagan did it. Is China’s dominance inevitable? Of course not. Centrally controlled economies are prone to monumental blunders.

But the primary contest is psychological — almost spiritual. Do Americans have faith in the power of the human mind? Are they willing to invest to enlarge the national talent pool? Right now, no. Americans, on the left and the right, have become highly attentive to threat, risk-averse and self-doubting about the national project. What do you do with a country with astounding advantages but that no longer believes in itself?

More on China and America

Opinion | David Autor and Gordon Hanson
We Warned About the First China Shock. The Next One Will Be Worse. https://www.nytimes.com/2025/07/14/opin ... uring.html
July 14, 2025

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Dec. 24, 2024

https://www.nytimes.com/2025/07/17/opin ... e9677ea768
kmaherali
Posts: 23589
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Re: FORMS OF GOVERNANCE

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Japan’s Long-Dominant Party Suffers Election Defeat as Voters Swing Right

The loss on Sunday left the Liberal Democrats a minority party in both houses of Parliament, while two new nationalist parties surged.

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Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba of Japan, center left, vowed to stay in office despite the poor showing by his Liberal Democratic Party, which has led Japan for all but five of the last 70 years.Credit...Pool photo by Franck Robichon

Japan’s long-governing Liberal Democratic Party suffered a defeat in parliamentary elections on Sunday that saw new right-wing populist groups make gains, heralding what could be a tectonic shift in what has been one of the world’s most stable democracies.

Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba vowed to stay on after his Liberal Democrats and their coalition partner lost 19 of their 66 seats that were up for re-election, depriving them of control of the less powerful Upper House. But he is facing calls to step down after the setback left the Liberal Democrats, who have led Japan for all but five of the last 70 years, a minority party in both chambers of the Diet, the country’s Parliament.

Mr. Ishiba and his party failed to convince enough voters that they could resolve a host of challenges that included rising prices of staples like rice, tariff talks with the United States and the growing burden that supporting Japan’s aging population has placed on working-age people.

The election results exposed a growing generational fissure that is altering the nation’s politics. While two-thirds of the 124 seats up for grabs on Sunday went to opposition parties, the biggest gains were made not by the traditional liberal opposition, but by a gaggle of new parties that drew younger voters with stridently nationalist messages. Among them was Sanseito, a populist party led by a politician inspired by President Trump.

“With the L.D.P. in decline, Japan’s political landscape is diversifying,” said Romeo Marcantuoni, a Ph.D. candidate at Waseda University in Tokyo who has written about Sanseito. “For the first time, we’re seeing far-right populism similar to what we’ve seen in Europe.”

Before all the votes had even been counted, powerful members of the governing party were calling on Mr. Ishiba to step down, to take responsibility for what exit polls suggested would be a poor showing. Taro Aso, a former deputy prime minister, said he “couldn’t accept” Mr. Ishiba staying on as prime minister, TV Asahi reported.

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Long blue tables are seen from overhead, with people on both sides of them handling boxes of paper ballots.
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Election officials in Tokyo counting votes in the Upper House election on Sunday.Credit...Philip Fong/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Mr. Ishiba conceded in a television interview late Sunday that the Liberal Democrats had not done well, but he said he had no intention to resign, as he still had important duties to fulfill. They included reaching a trade deal with the Trump administration, which Japan has failed to do despite repeated rounds of talks.

“Whether it’s the tariff negotiations with Mr. Trump or disasters and the aging population or prices rising faster than wages, we still face many issues,” Mr. Ishiba said. “I have a responsibility to the nation to deal with these.”

But analysts say Mr. Ishiba could struggle to maintain support within his party — especially since this defeat follows one last year that robbed the Liberal Democrats of a majority in the Lower House, which chooses the prime minister. At the time, Mr. Ishiba managed to survive politically by gathering enough votes to form a minority government.

“I don’t see how the L.D.P. stays with someone who has led them to two defeats in both houses,” said Tobias Harris, founder of Japan Foresight, a firm that advises clients on Japanese politics.

If Mr. Ishiba is forced to step down, Mr. Harris and other analysts said, it could create political paralysis at a time when Japan faces an increasingly assertive China, as well as the tough tariff negotiations.

On Sunday, half of the upper chamber’s 248 seats were up for re-election. The biggest winners were two new nationalist parties, the Democratic Party for the People and Sanseito. The Democrats gained 13 seats, more than doubling their total presence in the Upper House to 22. Sanseito, a newer and more extreme party, also won 13 seats, bringing their total to 15.

Both parties won over younger voters with populist appeals to strengthen the military and cut a consumption tax that has paid for pensions and other costs to support Japan’s growing population of retirees. Sanseito, which had barely been a presence in national politics, rose seemingly overnight with promises to put “Japanese First.”

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A man in polo shirt on a road surrounded by reporters.
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Sohei Kamiya, leader of the Sanseito party, campaigning this month in Saitama Prefecture in Japan. His party won 13 seats in the Upper House, taking its total to 15.Credit...Ko Sasaki for The New York Times

The party called for stopping an influx of immigrants who fill jobs left vacant amid Japan’s declining birthrate, but who Sanseito says threaten social stability.

Voters interviewed at polling stations in Tokyo said that while some of these populist policies were extreme, they wanted to protest against the Liberal Democrats, whom they described as out of touch. Most of their anger was about the rising price of staples, including rice.

“I used to be an L.D.P. voter, but I want change,” said Mika Inoue, a 49-year-old bank employee. “In this election, my focus was on policies that would increase the incomes of the Japanese people. Prices are rising, but incomes are not.”

Hiroshi Sugita, who owns a real estate company, said he had switched from supporting the Liberal Democrats to Sanseito.

“The L.D.P.’s policies are so inconsistent, particularly the rice price policy,” Mr. Sugita, 68, said. ”Japan is not growing anymore, the economy is rather in the downward trend and we can’t keep supporting the same party any more.”

Martin Fackler is the acting Tokyo bureau chief for The Times.

Hisako Ueno is a reporter and researcher based in Tokyo, writing on Japanese politics, business, labor, gender and culture.

Kiuko Notoya is a Tokyo-based reporter and researcher for The Times, covering news and features from Japan.

https://www.nytimes.com/2025/07/20/worl ... e9677ea768
kmaherali
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Re: FORMS OF GOVERNANCE

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Historians See Autocratic Playbook in Trump’s Attacks on Science

Authoritarians have long feared and suppressed science as a rival for social influence. Experts see President Trump as borrowing some of their tactics.

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The 1633 trial of Galileo over his backing of the heliocentric theory came to symbolize the church’s hostility to open inquiry.Credit...Universal History Archive/Universal Images Group, via Getty Images

William J. Broad
By William J. Broad
William J. Broad has a graduate degree in the history of science and has reported on the Trump administration’s science plans and appointments.

Aug. 31, 2025

The war on science began four centuries ago when the Roman Catholic Church outlawed books that reimagined the heavens. Subsequent regimes shot or jailed thousands of scientists. Today, in such places as China and Hungary, a less fearsome type of strongman relies on budget cuts, intimidation and high-tech surveillance to cow scientists into submission.

Then there is President Trump, who voters last year decisively returned to the White House. His blitz on science stands out because America’s labs and their discoveries powered the nation’s rise in the last century and now foster its global influence.

Just last week, Mr. Trump fired the newly confirmed director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Her lawyers said the move spoke to “the silencing of experts and the dangerous politicization of science.”

In rapid bursts, Mr. Trump has also laid off large teams of scientists, pulled the plug on thousands of research projects and proposed deep spending cuts for new studies. If his proposed $44 billion cut to next year’s budget is enacted, it will prompt the largest drop in federal support for science since World War II, when scientists and Washington began their partnership.

Few if any analysts see Mr. Trump as a Stalin, who crushed science, or even as a direct analog to this era’s strongmen leaders. But his assault on researchers and their institutions is so deep that historians and other experts see similarities to the playbook employed by autocratic regimes to curb science.

For instance, despots over the ages devised a lopsided way of funding science that punished blue-sky thinkers and promoted gadget makers. Mr. Trump’s science policies, experts say, follow that approach. He hails Silicon Valley’s wizards of tech but undermines the basic research that thrives on free thought and sows the seeds of not only Nobel Prizes but trillion-dollar industries.

“Despots want science that has practical results,” said Paul R. Josephson, an emeritus professor of history at Colby College and author of a book on totalitarian science. “They’re afraid that basic knowledge will expose their false claims.”

ImagePresident Trump frowns at a person in a white coat holding a model of the coronavirus, as Anthony Fauci looks on.
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President Trump visiting the National Institutes of Health’s vaccine research center in Bethesda, Md., in March 2020.Credit...Doug Mills/The New York Times
The president’s backers deny any suggestion that he engages in autocratic moves or has autocratic ambitions.

Mr. Trump “is a threat to bureaucracy, not democracy,” said Paul Dans, the architect of Project 2025, the right-wing blueprint for Mr. Trump’s presidency. “He has an extremely high regard for science.”

The ultimate target, according to the president and his supporters, is not science but rather the role experts play in generating the red tape that hobbles the nation’s economy and, they say, the research enterprise itself. They note that Project 2025 called for the dismantling of the administrative state.

Mr. Trump himself insists that, overall, he wants to save science. His defenders argue that he is cutting bloated budgets to restore public trust in science and spark a golden age of discovery.

Defenders of the postwar order concede that federal science management can be improved. But the Trumpian cure is, they add, far worse than any disease. They dismiss his recent moves and pronouncements as little more than pretexts for what they see as repressive tactics inspired by contemporary autocrats.

“Trump did not invent this playbook,” said Thomas M. Countryman, a career diplomat for 36 years who served as assistant secretary of state for international security in the Obama administration. “It depends on the squelching of all independent centers of thought, and that includes universities, law firms and scientists.”

Analysts say authoritarians and their students fear science in part because its feats — unlocking the universe, ending plagues, saving millions of lives — can form bonds of public trust that rival or exceed their own.

“Science is a source of social power,” said Daniel Treisman, a political scientist at the University of California, Los Angeles. “It always poses a potential threat.”

Threatened or not, Mr. Trump has long scorned experts as overrated and has stated that he prefers to rely on common sense and gut instincts. “The experts are terrible,” he told the crowd at a 2016 rally in La Crosse, Wis. “Look at the mess we’re in with all these experts that we have.”

If analysts differ on the reasons for Mr. Trump’s attacks on science, they agree that his actions could affect America’s longstanding role as the world leader in scientific discovery — either strengthening it or, conceivably, ending it. Will the nation continue to set the global standard for science breakthroughs?

The lead times for science projects can run to years and decades, so the practical impacts of Mr. Trump’s actions will most likely become clear only after he leaves office. For the United States, a time of new uncertainty is expected.

The Church

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A statue of a hooded Giordano Bruno on a pedestal in a public square.
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A statue of Giordano Bruno in the Campo dei Fiori in Rome, where he was burned at the stake in 1600 for defending Copernicus’s theory of heliocentrism.Credit...Andreas Solaro/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

From the start, modern science faced repression. The backdrop was doctrine: The Roman Catholic Church long held that humans sat at the center of the universe as the stars, planets and sun moved overhead in never-ending tributes.

Not so, argued Nicolaus Copernicus, a Polish astronomer. In 1543, he laid out evidence showing that the Earth and planets revolve around the sun.

News of his book, 400 pages long and rich in diagrams, moved slowly across Europe. The church in time decided to show its displeasure. In 1600, it had Giordano Bruno, an advocate of Copernicus’s heliocentric theory, burned at the stake.

To fight the heresy, the church in 1616 put the Copernican tract on its list of prohibited books. Undeterred, Galileo, an Italian astronomer, in 1632 published his great work, “Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems.” It backed Copernicus.

Galileo’s trial by the Roman Inquisition in 1633 was a turning point in Western history. The spectacle of the elderly thinker being forced, under threat of torture, to recant came to symbolize the church’s hostility to open inquiry.

Even so, Rome proceeded to adapt churches and cathedrals to serve as solar observatories, which let the church improve the calendar and better fix the date of Easter. The research also gave credence to the Copernican view. Nonetheless, Rome kept its heliocentric ban in place for centuries.

The Catholic Church’s double standard — crushing blue-sky science while enjoying the practical benefits — became a favorite tactic of monarchs, despots and modern autocrats. Today the two categories of exploratory work are known as basic and applied science. The latter can include development, engineering and technology. By nature, basic studies, though risky, tend to yield the most important discoveries.

The lopsided approach let rulers curb free thought that threatened their authority while promoting technological spinoffs of applied science that could empower their regimes. For instance, they backed research on celestial navigation, which let fleets of tall ships sail the globe to found colonial empires.

Even enlightened despots such as Catherine the Great in 18th-century Russia, while promoting science and progress, retained absolute power and suppressed ideas they saw as challenging their rule.

The State

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A black-and-white photo of Trofim Lysenko crouching in a wheat field as two other men look on.
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Trofim Lysenko, right, led Soviet biological studies between 1935 and 1965 and used his influence to reject modern genetics, with catastrophic results.Credit...Sovfoto/Universal Images Group, via Getty Images

The dictators of the 20th century turned the suppression of basic science and the promotion of applied research into superweapons of social control.

Upon taking power in 1933, Hitler redefined German science to include the idea that Aryans represent the master race. “If science cannot do without Jews,” he quipped, “we will have to do without science.” Hundreds of Jewish scientists were dismissed, and many fled the country.

Regime dogma guided the remaining scientists. The idea was that nationalistic science was the only true science. Before the war, Germany led the world in such triumphs of the intellect as relativity theory and quantum mechanics. Nazi science ended the blue-sky breakthroughs.

Even so, the regime’s tight grip on the German economy let it produce many innovations of applied science that empowered Hitler’s military, including V-2 rockets, jet engines, machine encryption and synthetic fuels.

The deadliest attacks on basic science came from Stalin, the Soviet dictator. In the 1930s, he had thousands of scientists shot or consigned to slave labor.

In addition, he echoed the Nazi push for ideological purity by elevating scientists who forcefully backed Marxism. Trofim Lysenko, an agronomist who dominated Soviet biological studies between 1935 and 1965, used his influence with Stalin to reject modern genetics as official policy. The results crippled Soviet agriculture and contributed to famines that killed millions of people.

Like other despots, Stalin also backed applied science for regime building. The results included the atom bomb and Sputnik, the world’s first artificial satellite.

The New Authoritarians

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Viktor Orban and Mr. Trump, both in blue suits, give thumbs-up in an ornate room.
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A handout photograph released by the Hungarian prime minister’s office in July 2024 showing Prime Minister Viktor Orban with Mr. Trump at Mar-a-Lago in Palm Beach, Fla.Credit...via Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

In this century, a new kind of ruler arose. Gone were the gulags and the firing squads. The new autocrats, forsaking military garb for designer suits, relied on subtle threats, budget cuts and high-tech surveillance to curb science.

Dr. Treisman, the U.C.L.A. professor, joined with Sergei Guriev, dean of the London Business School, to write a 2023 book on the new generation. “Spin Dictators” argues that the media-savvy strongmen have recast authoritarian rule for the digital age.

“They don’t want to be controlled by scientists,” Dr. Treisman said. “They want to control them.”

He noted that the new authoritarians, like the old, rely on applied science to bolster the legitimacy of their regimes.

“Dictators need it to fuel economic growth, to make satellites and missiles, to obtain new surveillance technologies,” he said. “They want their own science, not someone else’s. They don’t want to be lectured by liberals on inconvenient truths about the environment or health care.”

The book’s case studies look at leaders like Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil, Xi Jinping of China, Vladimir Putin of Russia and Viktor Orban of Hungary.

Mr. Trump and his backers “do occasionally let slip their view of things — that these regimes are not that bad,” said Dr. Josephson of Colby College, whose own book on totalitarian science details many of the crackdowns.

In Brazil, Mr. Bolsonaro, as president from 2019 to 2023, slashed the federal research budget, throwing thousands of scientists into limbo.

In China, Mr. Xi’s rise to power in 2012 led to online censors, televised confessions and the repression of restive populations, such as the Uyghurs. His science investments put applied over basic studies: In a recent report, China ranked last globally in the funding of basic research, lagging behind not only the United States but such comparatively small countries as Israel, Switzerland and Taiwan.

In Russia, Mr. Putin, who first assumed the presidency in 2000, has created what experts consider a police state in which agents falsely arrest scientists on charges of treason and closely monitor their contacts with foreigners. The climate of fear encourages self-censorship. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 led to a mass exodus of scientists.

At the same time, Moscow has used applied science as a stealthy weapon of social control. New tools of digital surveillance aided its crackdowns on the war’s opponents.

In Hungary, Mr. Orban since 2010 has worked to undo free thought and institutional autonomy, typically through intermediaries. In 2018, he had gender studies removed from the country’s list of accredited subjects. The next year, he seized control of the 40 research institutes of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. In 2021, he took over 11 universities.

Mr. Trump befriended Mr. Orban. Three times during the year of his successful campaign to return to the White House — in March, July and December — he hosted Mr. Orban at his Mar-a-Lago estate in Florida.

On social media, Mr. Trump praised him as “a smart, strong, and compassionate leader of a wonderful Country, Hungary. Great job, Viktor!!!”

The Trump Blitz

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A crowd of people sitting or standing on the National Mall, many holding signs with slogans like “Censoring science makes societies weaker” and “Science is for everyone.”
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The Stand Up for Science rally in Washington in March.Credit...Eric Lee/The New York Times

In his first term as president, Mr. Trump sought to crush federal science. But Congress often reversed his proposed funding cuts.

In his second term, Mr. Trump’s first target was expert guidance.

Over decades, federal laws gave scientific advisory bodies the power to oversee regulatory agencies, and such oversight slowly spread to the government as a whole. In essence, science and Washington became administrative allies.

On Feb. 19, weeks after taking office, Mr. Trump signed an executive order that called for the downsizing and elimination of the advisory panels. The order affected panels that oversaw vaccines, astrophysics, fisheries, mathematics, space, the geosciences, the environment and artificial intelligence.

Next, in March, amid budget cuts and growing protests by scientists, Mr. Trump unveiled an overall science policy that echoed the autocrats in emphasizing technological spinoffs, such as artificial intelligence and quantum computing. In a public letter, the president called for securing the nation’s status “as the unrivaled world leader in critical and emerging technologies.”

Then in May, the administration made public its proposed cuts to next year’s federal science budget. Independent experts found that the category of basic research would fall to $30 billion from $45 billion, a drop of roughly 34 percent.

On the chopping block were studies focused on nursing, clean energy, climate change, air and water quality, chemical safety, minority health disparities, green aviation, the global carbon cycle, the atmosphere of Mars, the planet Jupiter, and the boundary in outer space where the solar system meets the cosmos, among other subjects.

“The cuts are justified,” said Terence Kealey, a scholar at the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank. Decades of lavish funding have dulled America’s exploratory edge, he argued.

Finally, later in May, Mr. Trump laid out his reform agenda. It called for a “gold standard” that would revitalize science research. But critics, including Nobel laureates, saw it as paving the way for state-controlled science.

Officially, the job of defending Mr. Trump’s agenda falls to his science adviser, Michael Kratsios. He has no degrees in science or engineering but held key technology and military posts during Mr. Trump’s first term and helped speed the rise of artificial intelligence.

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Michael Kratsios speaking at a clear lectern onstage.
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Michael Kratsios, now the president’s science adviser, in 2019. In Mr. Trump’s first term, he served as chief technology officer of the United States.Credit...Miguel A. Lopes/EPA, via Shutterstock

Over weeks, multiple requests for an interview with Mr. Kratsios were made to officials in the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy. Possible dates were discussed, but Mr. Kratsios was never made available.

In the end, his office issued a brief statement that hailed Mr. Trump for “reinvigorating a system in which diminishing returns and stagnation have been the status quo for decades.”

Critics see Mr. Trump’s backers either as blind to the ubiquity of the authoritarian parallels and playbook or as trying to give the White House political cover.

In a recent essay, Dr. Josephson of Colby College cast Mr. Trump’s acts as brazenly totalitarian. He cited the firing of thousands of scientists, the support of anti-vaccine propaganda, and the elevation of unqualified officials to science management.

“Trump once said he wanted the generals that Hitler had,” Dr. Josephson wrote. “He’s certainly working on getting the science that Hitler and Stalin had.”

Dr. Treisman of U.C.L.A. said that despite Mr. Trump’s war on science and the federal bureaucracy, he saw reason for hope.

He said democracies often have “politicians like Trump who would like to remove all constraints on their power. The difference between them and successful ones like Mr. Orban isn’t so much in their approach but in the level of resistance they encounter.”

Dr. Treisman said the critics of Mr. Trump might prevail. His own belief, he added, “is that the many forces of civil society will continue to constrain him.”

William J. Broad has reported on science at The Times since 1983. He is based in New York.

https://www.nytimes.com/2025/08/31/scie ... crats.html
kmaherali
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Re: FORMS OF GOVERNANCE

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U.N. Gathers Amid Its 80th Anniversary and a ‘Free Fall’

The wars in Ukraine, Gaza and Sudan will hang over the annual gathering of the U.N. General Assembly next week in New York. So, too, will budget and identity crises.

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The United Nations will observe its 80th anniversary as world leaders converge this week on its headquarters in New York.Credit...Spencer Platt/Getty Images

Farnaz Fassihi
By Farnaz Fassihi
Farnaz Fassihi has covered the U.N. and the annual General Assembly gathering of world leaders for 10 years through different administrations.

Sept. 21, 2025, 5:02 a.m. ET
When world leaders converge on New York City this week for the annual gathering of the United Nations General Assembly, the organization will be observing its 80th anniversary. But the mood is far from celebratory, as wars rage around the world, a budget crisis looms and questions abound about whether the U.N. is even relevant anymore.

Year after year, U.N. officials and world leaders use the annual gathering to put forth lofty ideas and offer elaborate road maps for change. But tangible progress remains stubbornly elusive.

Russia’s war against Ukraine is more than three years old. The Israel-Hamas conflict in Gaza has been raging for nearly two years. And the world is still nowhere near achieving its goals on development or a solution for climate change. Even the United Nations’ global humanitarian aid work — one of the few areas where the organization has continued to excel and lead the world — is now threatened by budget cuts, donor apathy and staff reductions.

“We can actually say we are in an organization that is in sort of a free fall,” said Richard Gowan, the U.N. director for the International Crisis Group, adding that the coming week is not “going to offer us clear answers to all the U.N.’s problems, but it may give us a more acute sense exactly how difficult the situation is.”

Still, the annual meeting is a big stage. In addition to President Trump, more than 140 world leaders and senior officials and delegations from Russia, Ukraine, China, Iran, Syria, Israel and North Korea will convene in one place for what diplomats call the World Cup of diplomacy.

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A road running near the coast line in Gaza is lined with vehicles and people.
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Palestinians from Gaza City headed south in search of safety this month. The war in Gaza is expected to be a main theme of discussion at this year’s General Assembly.Credit...Saher Alghorra for The New York Times

It will happen against the backdrop of wars in Ukraine, Sudan and Gaza. Israel’s conduct in Gaza, and Palestinian suffering and starvation, are expected to be among the themes dominating this year’s gathering.

On Monday, the idea of Palestinian statehood will take center stage at a conference co-hosted by France and Saudi Arabia. France, Britain, Canada and Australia are expected to formally recognize Palestine as a state, joining most of the other U.N. member states that already do so.

But Israel and the United States oppose the move, with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio saying it will only make Hamas “feel more emboldened.” He warned that a fresh push for Palestinian statehood could provoke an Israeli backlash.

Mr. Trump will also figure prominently at this year’s gathering, with a speaking slot early on Tuesday, the first day of speeches. He returns to the U.N. podium as he has been wielding power in unilateral fashion at home and abroad. His relationship with the United Nations has long been fraught, but he has not completely dismissed it.

“There are great hopes for it but it’s not being well run; to be honest, they are not doing the job,” Mr. Trump said in February of the international body. “They’ve got to get their act together.”

Diplomats and U.N. officials say they will be closely watching Mr. Trump’s address to the General Assembly for clues on how his administration intends to engage with the United Nations in the coming year. Mr. Trump has ordered a review of the United States’ interactions with the organization, slashed funding to many of its programs and withdrawn from multiple U.N. agencies as well as from the Paris Agreement on global warming.

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Two men in suits standing against a background of flags touch two wineglasses together.
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President Trump at a luncheon hosted by António Guterres, the secretary-general of the United Nations, in 2019.Credit...Doug Mills/The New York Times

Dorothy Shea, the acting U.S. ambassador to the U.N., told a reception she hosted for the General Assembly that “the United States approaches this session with a clear vision, rooted in three enduring priorities: peace, sovereignty and liberty.”

Secretary General António Guterres said last week at a news conference that he would be “delighted” to meet Mr. Trump. The two men have not met or spoken since Mr. Trump took office in January, despite several outreach attempts by Mr. Guterres, according to two diplomats and a senior U.N. official.

Seemingly appealing to Mr. Trump’s affinity for playing peacemaker, Mr. Guterres suggested the two leaders could work together in novel ways to resolve global conflicts. He said the United Nations possessed contacts, experience and expertise but had no mechanism to enforce pressure on countries or grant rewards.

The United States, however, “has carrots and sticks,” he said. “So in some situations, if you are able to combine the two, I think we can have a very effective way to make sure that some peace processes at least can lead to a successful result.”

The United Nations has repeatedly shown itself to be unable to stem conflict. That’s because conflict resolution and prevention is the work of the U.N. Security Council, where geopolitical divisions among world powers cripple its work.

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A woman stands with her arm around a girl draped in a blanket.
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Residents outside an apartment block after a Russian strike in the Ukrainian capital, Kyiv, last month.Credit...Finbarr O'Reilly for The New York Times

This year, anxiety over the organization’s finances is also palpable. The United Nations is currently short on cash, because countries are delaying payment of their mandatory dues or not paying at all. Separately, it is also facing a budget crisis, which could prevent it from running its agencies and peacekeeping missions, after cuts from member states — especially from the United States, which has been the U.N.’s top donor.

Other big donors such as China, Japan and the European Union have so far not increased their financial contributions to compensate for the loss of the U.S. funding. Even China delayed its U.N. dues payment this year.

Robert A. Wood, a former deputy ambassador to the U.N. during the Biden administration, said that the budget crisis amounted to a “five-alarm fire for the U.N. We don’t know if a fire crew is coming to the rescue: It should be the United States, but it is causing some of the fire.”

Mr. Guterres has tried to pre-empt the looming crisis with a reform plan called UN80, which calls for streamlining administrative services, getting rid of duplication, cutting back on thousands of mandates and relocating some staff from expensive hubs like New York and Geneva.

The new proposed U.N. budget reflects an effort to preserve itself by shrinking. The aim is to reduce the overall U.N. budget for 2026 by some $500 million, which translates into a budget cut of about 15 percent and a 19 percent staff reduction, according to two senior U.N. officials who briefed reporters on background last week. The peacekeeping budget will see an 11.2 percent cut and a 13 percent reduction in positions, they added.

Mr. Guterres, however, in letters to member states and U.N. personnel, warned that the cuts won’t solve the immediate liquidity problem. Instead, he said, they are intended to better place the organization as it deals with multiple challenges.

On Friday, at an event recognizing the U.N.’s 80th anniversary, Mr. Guterres defended the organization’s legacy and its future, saying, “Let us celebrate not only what has been achieved — but what still lies ahead.”

https://www.nytimes.com/2025/09/21/worl ... e9677ea768
kmaherali
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Re: FORMS OF GOVERNANCE

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At Kirk Service, an Extraordinary Fusion of Government and Christianity

The memorial reflected the degree to which conservative Christianity had melded with Republican politics in the Trump era.

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Attendees praying during a memorial service for Charlie Kirk on Sunday.Credit...Adriana Zehbrauskas for The New York Times

Elizabeth Dias, The Times’s national religion correspondent, reported from Glendale, Ariz.

Sept. 21, 2025

Marco Rubio, the secretary of state, paid tribute to Charlie Kirk by citing the gospel message of the death and resurrection of Jesus. Stephen Miller, a deputy White House chief of staff, envisioned a spiritual uprising in Mr. Kirk’s wake. Vice President JD Vance said Mr. Kirk’s influence had reshaped the balance of American politics and traced it back to Mr. Kirk’s faith.

Because of Mr. Kirk, he said, “I have talked more about Jesus Christ the past two weeks than I have my entire time in public office.”

At the memorial service of Mr. Kirk on Sunday in a packed football stadium in suburban Phoenix, the highest levels of U.S. government and evangelical worship were woven as one. Perhaps never before, at such a grand scale, had such a fusion taken hold in a public display. More than just a tribute in the style of Mr. Kirk’s evangelical tradition, the service represented a pinnacle event reflecting the degree to which conservative Christianity had melded with Republican politics in the Trump era.

The belief that Mr. Kirk is a modern-day Christian martyr was infused throughout the service. And it solidified in real time through testimonies from a who’s who of conservatives, planting Mr. Kirk’s story firmly into a line of Christians over history who lost their lives with their faith.

“We must remember that he is a hero to the United States of America. And he is a martyr for the Christian faith,” Mr. Vance said.

Benny Johnson, a right-wing podcaster, also tied that sense of martyrdom to a divine plan for America, and thanked the Trump administration for carrying out “that godly mission of wielding the sword against evil.”

Pete Hegseth, the secretary of defense, shared a message of Christian salvation, about the blood of Jesus washing away sins. “We always did need less government. But what Charlie understood and infused into his movement is, we also needed a lot more God,” he said.

So on this Sunday, looking around the stadium, he said, “I’d like to think we’re all in Charlie’s church.”

Near the close of the service, President Trump called Mr. Kirk a martyr. But he described him not as a Christian martyr but an American one. It was a clear sign of how the two themes had merged at times indistinguishably.

“Our greatest evangelist for American liberty became immortal,” Trump said. “He’s a martyr now for American freedom.”

Elizabeth Dias is The Times’s national religion correspondent, covering faith, politics and values.

https://www.nytimes.com/2025/09/21/us/p ... e9677ea768
kmaherali
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Re: FORMS OF GOVERNANCE

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Welcome to Our New Era.
What Do We Call It?


Video: https://vp.nyt.com/video/2025/11/07/154 ... g_720p.mp4


By Thomas L. Friedman

Opinion Columnist

For the past few years, I have had to ask myself a question I never asked before in my life: What should we call the era we’re living in today?

I was born into the “Cold War” era, and most of my career as a columnist was in the “Post-Cold War.” The latter era — those decades since 1989 characterized by American unipolar dominance — ended in the 2020s with the chaotic U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, followed by Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, which exploded Europe’s Cold War and post-Cold War security architecture, followed by China’s emergence as a true peer economic and military rival to the U.S.

My initial thought was that we should call this new epoch the “Post-Post-Cold War,” but that made no sense. No, we have arrived at a moment that is much more than the aftermath of a largely bipolar superpower rivalry born in the mid- to late-1940s. It’s the birth of something novel and highly complex to which we all must adapt, and quickly — but what to call it?

Many climate scientists call our current epoch the “Anthropocene” — the first human-driven climate era. Many technologists call it the “Information Age” or now the “Artificial Intelligence Age.” Some strategists prefer to call it “the Return of Geopolitics” or, as the historian Robert Kagan put it, “the Jungle Grows Back.”

But none of these labels capture the full fusion taking place between accelerating climate change and rapid transformations in technology, biology, cognition, connectivity, material science, geopolitics and geoeconomics. They have set off an explosion of all sorts of things combining with all sorts of other things — so much so that everywhere you turn these days binary systems seem be giving way to poly ones. Artificial intelligence is hurtling toward “polymathic artificial general intelligence,” climate change is cascading into “poly-crisis,” geopolitics is evolving into “polycentric” and “polyamorous” alignments, once-binary trade is dispersing into “poly-economic” supply webs, and our societies are diversifying into ever more “polymorphic” mosaics.

As a foreign affairs columnist, I now have to track the impact and interactions of not only superpowers, but also super-intelligent machines, super-empowered individuals taking advantage of technology to extend their reach and super-global corporations, as well as super-storms and super-failing states, like Libya and Sudan.

I was musing about all this one day with Craig Mundie, the former head of research and strategy at Microsoft. I told him that in nearly every domain I was writing about lately, the old binary left-right systems were giving way to multiple interconnected ones, and, in the process, shattering the coherence of both the Cold War and post-Cold War paradigms.

At one point Mundie said to me, “I know what you should call this new era: the Polycene.”

It was a neologism — a word he just made up on the spot and not in the dictionary. Admittedly wonky, it is derived from the Greek “poly,” meaning “many.” But it immediately struck me as the right name for this new epoch, where — thanks to smartphones, computers and ubiquitous connectivity — every person and every machine increasingly has a voice to be heard and a lever to impact one another, and the planet, at a previously unimaginable speed and scale.

So, welcome to the Polycene. It’s been an interesting ride getting here.

Better Than Any Human

My journey through the phase changes that led me to Polycene began in the summer of 2024, two years after ChatGPT was first released, when I sat down with Mundie for a series of tutorials on artificial intelligence. I have been very fortunate over the years to have developed a network of experts on different subjects, whom I call tutors. They have become both cherished teachers and friends, and Mundie, originally a supercomputer designer, has been my go-to person on computing since 2004.

One of the first things he explained to me was that the holy grail of the A.I. revolution was creating a machine capable of “polymathic artificial general intelligence.” This would be a machine that was able to master physics, chemistry, biology, computer science, philosophy, Mozart, Shakespeare and baseball better than any human could, and then reason across all of those disciplines at a high dimensional level, higher than a human ever could, to produce breakthrough insights that no human ever could.

While some skeptics believe that we will never be able to build a machine with truly polymathic A.G.I., many others, including Mundie, believe it is a matter of when, not if.

This is a remarkable phase change in cognition that we are going through: We are moving from programmable computing — where a computer could only ever reflect the insight and intelligence of the human who programmed it — toward polymathic A.G.I. That is where you basically describe the outcome you want, and the A.I. melds insight, creativity and broad knowledge to figure out the rest. We are shifting the boundary of cognition, Mundie argues, from what humans can imagine and program to what computers can discover, imagine and design on their own. It is the mother of all computing phase changes — and a species-level turning point.

The Microchip Evolution

All of this was made possible by microchips evolving from binary to poly. In the binary era, chips processed data serially — toggling between 0s and 1s to execute one instruction after another. In the poly era, chips can compute in parallel — with thousands of smaller tasks processed at once, each aware of and interacting with the others.

The big advance in parallel processing in the early 2000s is what made today’s A.I. possible. It enabled computers to ingest huge amounts of data into their “brains” — their neural networks — and train themselves using billions of tiny settings, called parameters. As an A.I. system learns, it keeps adjusting these settings — like turning little dials — so it can recognize patterns, weigh alternatives and iteratively get smarter over time.

I have been tracking this change in computing for years from one of my favorite vantage points. When I want to understand how power is shifting in the world, my first call is rarely to the Pentagon or the State Department. Instead, I visit Applied Materials in Silicon Valley. Applied makes the precision machines and materials that allow companies like Nvidia, T.S.M.C., Intel and Samsung to manufacture the latest generations of microchips. So very often Applied can see before anyone else which companies and countries are pushing the technological frontier and which are lagging.

//A changing climate, a changing world
//Card 1 of 4
//Climate change around the world: In “Postcards From a World on Fire,” 193 stories from individual countries show how climate change is reshaping reality everywhere, from dying coral reefs in Fiji to disappearing oases in Morocco and far, far beyond. //https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/202 ... tries.html

The role of our leaders: Writing at the end of 2020, Al Gore, the 45th vice president of the United States, found reasons for optimism in the Biden presidency, a feeling perhaps borne out by the passing of major climate legislation. That doesn’t mean there haven’t been criticisms. For example, Charles Harvey and Kurt House argue that subsidies for climate capture technology will ultimately be a waste.

The worst climate risks, mapped: In this feature, select a country, and we'll break down the climate hazards it faces. In the case of America, our maps, developed with experts, show where extreme heat is causing the most deaths.

What people can do: Justin Gillis and Hal Harvey describe the types of local activism that might be needed, while Saul Griffith points to how Australia shows the way on rooftop solar. Meanwhile, small changes at the office might be one good way to cut significant emissions, writes Carlos Gamarra.

My most recent tutors there have been the chief executive, Gary Dickerson, and the chief of staff, Tristan Holtam, who for years have been showing me how our ability to generate polymathic A.I. has been enhanced by the creation of more polymorphic chips.

“We’ve gone from monolithic designs to disaggregated ones — breaking up the chip into ‘chiplets,’ each with its own specialized role and then recombining them into one integrated system,” explained Holtam. This, he added, “allows a single ‘system in a package’ to contain many different functions — logic, memory, communications, graphics — coexisting and cooptimizing together,” resulting in much more computing capability with less energy consumption.

And when designers ran out of room to add more features in two dimensions, they moved into three. Chips are now built vertically, stacking up many layers of circuitry — tiny parking ramps of transistors and memory cells stitched together by miles of microscopic or even nanoscopic wiring. Each new layer sharply increases the chip’s capacity for learning, predicting and decision-making.

Put it all together and you have the silicon foundation for the Polycene — multiple intelligences, seamlessly networked, co-improving and co-evolving in real time.

From Climate Change to Polycrisis

About a week after the A.I. tutorial in 2024 with Mundie, I got an email from my favorite environmental tutor, Johan Rockström, director of the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research and one of the world’s premier earth system scientists. Rockström said that he and his colleague Thomas Homer-Dixon, the executive director of the Cascade Institute at Royal Roads University in British Columbia, were convening a seminar in New York for climate week and could I help moderate?

I told him, “I’d be happy to — but what’s it about?”

“It’s about polycrisis,” Rockström said.

I thought: “That’s interesting. My A.I. tutor is talking about ‘polymathic artificial general intelligence,’ my microchip tutors have been talking about poly chips — and now my environmental tutor is talking about ‘polycrisis.’ What’s up with all the polys?”

The term “polycrisis” has been around for decades but has been recently popularized by the Columbia University historian Adam Tooze to highlight how one crisis, like Covid or the Ukraine war, can increasingly trigger multiple crises across the globe.

Rockström and Homer-Dixon have been mining the same concept, but with a particular focus on how cascading environmental crises were breaching what Rockström calls our “planetary boundaries.” These are interconnected life-support systems — like the stability of our climate and the health of our oceans, forests and soils — whose integrity we need to maintain to keep humanity safe and the natural world resilient.

For decades, when we spoke about climate change, the narrative was simple and rather binary: more warming bad, less warming good.

The thinking about climate change, though, has undergone a phase change of its own. In Rockström’s view, climate change becomes the spark that ignites cascades of interlocking crises. Together, they put the whole earth in a state of polycrisis — where self-reinforcing events like the melting of the polar ice caps and the destruction of the Amazon, two giant regulators of the earth’s temperature, propel us toward higher and higher temperatures, even without human fossil-fuel burning. This triggers more droughts, floods, wildfires, crop failures and sea-level rise, which in turn unleash economic shocks, mass migration, the collapse of fragile states and the breakdown of trust worldwide.

Two factors are propelling us in this direction, Rockström and Homer-Dixon wrote in a Nov. 13, 2022, opinion essay in this newspaper: “First, the magnitude of humanity’s resource consumption and pollution output is weakening the resilience of natural systems, worsening the risks of climate heating, biodiversity decline and zoonotic viral outbreaks,” and second, “vastly greater connectivity among our economic and social systems” means that what happens in one country or community can quickly tip into others, with no regard for borders.

I reported on the mini-version of this dynamic firsthand from Syria in the years just before its civil war erupted in 2011. A once-in-a-century drought — made more intense by shifting climate patterns — wiped out crops, drove hundreds of thousands of rural Syrians off their farms and forced them into the outskirts of cities like Aleppo and Damascus. There, they collided with soaring food prices, joblessness and longstanding ethnic and sectarian grievances. Then Syrians got on their cellphones and watched the uprisings in Egypt and Tunisia, prompted in part by rising food prices. And then they blew the lid off Syria.

A Geopolitical Transformation

Needless to say, this combination of fracturing states and fracturing Cold War alliances is combining to make geopolitics in general more polyamorous.

In 2011, the historian Walter Russell Mead observed that after the 1990s revolution that triggered the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russians had a saying that today would apply to more than a few other countries: “It’s easier to turn an aquarium into fish soup than to turn fish soup into an aquarium.”

From Europe to the Middle East to Africa to Latin America, a lot of aquariums are being turned into fish soup full of sectarian, tribal or networked, super-empowered militias. It is no accident that it took President Trump so much time and energy — and arm-twisting — to herd all the different states, armies and militias into a simple cease-fire in Gaza. It could take him the rest of his time in office to herd them into peace — maybe.

At the same time, when I started in journalism in 1978, the world was largely defined by a set of binaries — East-West, Communist-Capitalist, North-South. Most countries at the time fit into one of those clubs. Today, it has become a free-for-all square dance of shifting partners. Iran is aligned with Russia against Ukraine. China is supplying technology for drones to both Russia and Ukraine. Israel is aligned with Muslim Azerbaijan versus Christian Armenia.

“The diffusion of power is not only about the U.S., Europe, China or Russia,” the national security experts Robert Muggah and Mark Medish wrote on the geopolitical risk site SecDev. “Middle powers — Brazil, India, Türkiye, the Gulf states, South Africa — are practicing what diplomats now call ‘multialignment.’ They seek advantage issue by issue rather than binding themselves to one camp. India buys discounted Russian oil while courting Western investment and tech transfers. Brazil expands trade with China while floating mediation ideas with Beijing and talking climate finance with Washington and Brussels.”

Warfare today is also much less binary — your front line against mine — with much more “hybrid” attacks coming from everywhere. Because the front line has become poly.

Vladimir Putin is fighting Ukraine on the attack surface of Ukrainian territory, and at the same time, he’s fighting Western Europe using the attack surface of cyberspace, where everyone is connected but no one is in charge. On that front, Putin’s shadow warriors are believed to be behind numerous disinformation campaigns in E.U. elections, unattributed drone incursions into Western European airspace and even, in August, jamming the GPS system of the plane carrying the European Commission president, Ursula von der Leyen, while flying over Bulgaria, forcing the pilot to dig out paper maps to land safely.

From Binary to Polymorphic Communities

When I was growing up in Minnesota in the 1950s, the social landscape was extremely binary. Generally speaking, you were either white or Black, a man or a woman, straight or gay, a Christian or a Jew. You were either at work or at home or at home or in school. My congressmen were mostly liberal white Republican men in a Democratic district — not unusual in Minnesota back then. The categories were pretty rigid, and the boundaries policed by culture, law, prejudice, income and habit. Diversity certainly existed, but it was limited and rarely celebrated.

Not anymore!

Today, my hometown, St. Louis Park, once the beating heart of Minnesota Jewish culture, synagogues and delicatessens, has a 29-year-old Somali Muslim woman as mayor, Nadia Mohamed, who graduated from my high school and is part of the influx of Somalis to frigid Minnesota.

If I still lived in my old neighborhood, my representative in Congress would be Ilhan Omar, one of the first two Muslim women to serve in Congress. I am told that more than 30 languages are spoken in the elementary school near my old house — roughly 29 more than when I grew up there.

Last week, St. Paul elected a Laotian Hmong immigrant, Kaohly Her, as its first Hmong American and female mayor — after she defeated the incumbent, Melvin Carter, the city’s first Black mayor.

It’s no wonder: Global migration has roughly doubled in number since 1990. It has become so multidirectional — workers moving from South Asia to the Persian Gulf, students from Africa to China, Sudanese and Eritrean refugees to Israel, Polish workers to Britain and refugees from Syria, Venezuela and Ukraine to everywhere — that communities once defined by a single ethnicity or faith are now polyglot, polychromatic and polyreligious.

The news about those communities has also moved from binary — largely top-down news generated by mainstream newspapers, magazines and television networks — to poly: news generated side-to-side on social media and bottom up by bloggers and podcasters.

When the Trump administration recently tried to shield from view as much as possible its destruction of the White House East Wing, noted CNN’s Brian Stelter, “One of the most striking views of the demolition came from a passenger on a plane flying out of National Airport yesterday. It was reshared on X and other sites millions of times.”

Poly-Economic Networks

When Adam Smith laid out the foundational principles of trade in the 18th century, he imagined a relatively simple world of binary relationships: I make cheese, you make wine, and by specializing in what each of us does best, we both end up better off. That insight was revolutionary and still underpins our view (except for President Trump) that trade can be a win-win proposition.

But if Smith were alive now, watching how iPhones, mRNA vaccines, electric vehicles or advanced microchips get made, he wouldn’t just update his theories — he would have to write a new book.

What’s changed? In a word: complexity. Today’s economy is no longer primarily built on bilateral trade of discrete goods between countries with clear borders and self-contained industries. Instead, Eric Beinhocker, executive director of the Institute for New Economic Thinking at the Oxford Martin School, another of my tutors, points out that we now operate more and more inside global ecosystems, what he calls dynamic “interdependent webs” of knowledge, skills, technology and trust.

That explains why most trade today involves more than two countries. In summarizing a report it released in June, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development said global supply chains now “account for about 70 percent of international trade, as services, raw materials, parts and components cross borders — often multiple times.” That weaves a complex web, where products are designed in one country, sourced with components from multiple others, manufactured in still a different place, assembled in yet another country and tested in one more.

Smith famously identified the division of labor as a huge productivity booster — you can make more pins with fewer workers if you divide up the labor correctly. “That was great,” Beinhocker remarked to me in a column in February. But today, in the Polycene, “the more powerful engine is the division of knowledge.”

When knowledge and capabilities are pooled, we are able to make complex things that solve complex problems cheaper and faster than any country could do alone.

Think about the chip in your smartphone. It was imagined in California, designed using software from the U.S. and Europe, manufactured in Taiwan using Dutch lithography machines and materials science innovations from Japan and Silicon Valley, all assembled in China and delivered by a global logistics network.

I always chuckle when I recall what Don Rosenberg, a former general counsel for Qualcomm, once told me about Qualcomm’s relationship with the Chinese tech behemoth Huawei — because it perfectly sums up today’s poly-economic world: “Huawei is our customer, our licensee, our competitor, our shared standards setter, and we are suing each other!”

The world, at its best, no longer runs on the equation “my finished product for yours.” It runs on 21st-century networks of collaboration built on trust, not bullying.

How to Govern in the Polycene

This kind of explosion of diverse new players is hardly without precedent in the history of our planet. While we often think of evolution as slow and incremental, the fact is that world history has been punctuated by massive bursts of new species and new designs — but this is not true only in nature, Beinhocker said to me.

Human civilization has also followed a similar pattern of big bangs, he explained, “each dramatically amplifying the complexity of human life” by expanding the number of empowered actors, connections, interactions and feedback loops in human society.

Think, Beinhocker said, “of how the shift from hunter-gatherers to settled civilizations” — with farmers and peasants and artisans and kings — “complexified life.” Think of how the printing revolution broke the monopoly on information held by religious and royal elites, and how the Industrial Revolution amplified human and machine power, enabling much more global trade and connectivity. Now we have artificially intelligent machines and robots joining the play, adding exponentially more nodes, networks and combinations of actors.

Many industrial democracies eventually concluded that the best way to govern in the industrial age was with some form of welfare state and two-party political systems based on a fixed left-right grid. I just don’t see how that works much longer in a world where most of the problems we face do not have “either/or” answers: they have “both/and” answers. Key actors must be able to occupy multiple states, and hold competing ideas in tension, at the same time.

I am a both/and person by nature. On immigration, I am for a very high wall, with a very big gate — secure borders and a welcome to both high-energy and highly skilled legal immigrants. On policing, I am for more police and better police. On economics, I am for growing the pie and redividing the pie. On education, I am for well-funded public schools but also for charters and independent schools; competition makes everyone better.

On foreign policy, I am for diplomacy but always backed by a strong military. On trade, I am for free trade with transparent rules — but also reciprocal treatment: Whatever China imposes on us, we should impose on it. On energy, I am for natural gas with carbon/methane capture, wind, solar, nuclear, geothermal, fission, fusion — any solution that can provide energy that is reliable, affordable and will diminish the odds we enter into a climate polycrisis. During the Covid pandemic, I was for balancing saving lives and saving livelihoods.

It’s not because I can’t make up my mind. It’s because I have made up my mind — that in the Polycene, the best answers live in the synthesis, not on the edges.

But because so many traditional left-right parties have hardened into political silos — incapable of operating in multiple modes at once — they are either fracturing under the stress of reality or devolving into identity tribes bound together by shared grievances, ethnicities and economic fantasies, and therefore increasingly irrelevant to real-world problem-solving. That’s not sustainable.

The most adaptive, resilient and productive communities in the Polycene will be those that can assemble dynamic coalitions across issues — what I call complex adaptive coalitions. These bring together business, labor, government, social entrepreneurs, philanthropists, innovators, regulators and educators to solve problems through synthesis rather than by postponing them with binary mutual vetoes. That is the only way to move fast and make things.

“Our old basis of shared association does not work anymore,” observed Dov Seidman, the business philosopher and founder of the HOW Institute for Society. “But the imperatives to live together, work together, cooperate with one another in ecosystems and belong together — not turn on each other — have only intensified.”

“Interdependence is no longer our choice,” he added. “It is our condition. We will either build healthy interdependencies and rise together or suffer through unhealthy interdependencies and fall together.”

Whichever way we go, though, we’re going there together.

That’s the inescapable truth of the Polycene, even if many leaders in Washington, Beijing and Moscow still haven’t grasped it. It will be the first era in which humanity must govern, innovate, collaborate and coexist at a planetary scale in order to thrive. Only by doing so can we capture the best and cushion the worst of everything from A.I. to nuclear power to climate change. It will take everyone, everywhere, rowing together.

“The decisive test of our age,” Beinhocker remarked to me, “is whether we will recognize this in time.”

https://www.nytimes.com/2025/11/10/opin ... epoch.html
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